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174
Fritz
A. Kutiner
i
q
Diesen 24 Temperier-Bebündungen gesellen sich zu je 12 untemperierte der drei
4
folgenden Schemata:
1L.
q.
es
d :
cs
d
dis
d
125
is
fis
is
\
as
gis
gis
a
a
a
Y
Zwei Temperierungs-Schematen stehen drei untemperierte Schemata gegenüber, wohei es einstweilen offen zu lassen ist, ob es sich nach dem jeweiligen Instrument om eine
cigentliche Bebiindung oder um ein Applikatur-Schema handelt. Die Musik fiir Viola-dagamba zeigt ebenso untemperiertes wie temperiertes Tonmaterial, d.h. also Bebündung
dieser Art.
Da das Tonmaterial der Bachischen Instrumental-, d.h. Violin-, Viola-Stimmen, vom
Quantzisch bebiindeten Violoncello zu schweigen, einwandfreie Entsprechungen zu dem
der Bund-Instrumente zeigt, sind auch bei diesen Instrumenten wie bei den Violen da
gamba Verstimmungen anzunehmen, sci es in Verbindung mit Bünden, sei es ohne sic
zur Erreichung einer entsprechenden Applikatur, die Folgen für Intonation und Artikulation zwangsläufig mit sich bringt. Da erfahrungsgemäß heute selbst erstrangige Musiker bei bestimmten Bachischen Folgen beachtliche Intonations-Schwierigkeiten beim
ersten Zusammenspiel haben, ist es unerklärlich, wie Bachs halbwüchsige Latein-Schüler
und Liebhaber-Studenten ohne umständliche Vorbereitung den Kirchen-Musik-Dienst
auch nur einigermaßen zufriedenstellend bewältigen konnten. Wenn eine Schulung und
Übung dieser Instrumentalisten im Sinne der bei der Viola da gamba so selbstverständlichen Verstimmung angenommen werden kann, eine Übung, die gerade von LateinSchülern und Studenten etwas durchaus Angemessenes verlangt, so kann man in der Verstimmung an sich die Möglichkeit sehen, wie diese Instrumentalisten auch schwierige
Bachische Aufgaben-Stellungen einwandfrei bewältigten, wobei die Frage der Bebündun
sogar offen gelassen werden kann.
i
FRITZ A. KUTTNE
/ NEW
R YORK
Es
A “Pythagorean” Tone-System in China - Antedating the Early Greek
Achievements by Several Centuries
T radition ascribes to Pythagoras the construction of a tone-system subdividing the
octave into twelve semitonic intervals derived from a circle of twelve perfect fifths
The Greek philosopher is also credited with the computation of the comma of 24 cents
by which this circle fails to close after the twelfth step. Most recent authors, however
are inclined to believe that both these achievements were not completed until about
100 - 150 years after Pythagoras. We may thus date the tone-system from which all
Western music theory departed, some time around 400 B.C.
It is usually taken for granted that the same system was known and used in China
from time immemorial. For almost two hundred years learned men and less learned
missionaries kept stressing the conviction that China had a “Pythagorean” tone-system
already in the second, third, or even fourth (!) millennium B.C. They all hs this
opinion upon an ancient legendary tradition: in 2697 the Emperor Huang-ti sent his
A “Pythagorean” Tone-System in China
{
‘
the enussary
minister Ling Lun to the Kun-Lun mountains in western Chinawaswhere
third
one
which
of
learned to cut a set of twelve bamboo panpipes each had the principle of theshorter
2:3
than the preceding one. Here — it was argued — we
e
semitoni
twelve
che
lis,
twelve
al
tradition
the
hence
and
fifth,
division for the perfect
arguThis
on.
intonati
orean”
intervals of these panpipes, were the prototypes of “Pythag
of equal diameter
ment, unfortunately, is wrong. If we cut the lengths of two panpipes
interval; the
smaller
t
somewha
a
but
fifth
perfect
a
not
in the ratio 2 : 3, the result is
accumulates
and
pipes
the
of
length
and
diameter
inner
the
with
varies
size of the error
in the ratio
divisions
with each successive step of the circle. What is valid for string
properties
ical
mathemat
and
acoustic
2:3, cannot be applied to sonant tubes whose
panpipe
y
legendar
the
Thus
factors.
n
intonatio
and
physical
are complicated by several
ean”
“Pythagor
a
of
existence
early
extremely
an
for
evidence
as
cited
always
tradition,
under
,
gratifying
is
It
dence.
system in China, is actually acoustic and physical counterevi
the circumstances, that some of my studies have produced the first clear proof of the
existence of a “Pythagorean” system in carly China.
In 250 B.C. Lü Pu-Wei, a Chinese scholar and statesman, published a work in which
he described two scientific achievements which are commonly connected with the Pythagorean school: the Pythagorean theorem depicting the triangle with the three squares,
and a correct listing of the mathematical values for the twelve “Pythagorean” semitones.
About 140 years later the great Chinese historian Ssu Ma T'sien reported in his work
Shib Chi the precise semitone ratios and the formula for the Pythagorean comma,
(2/1) 2X 27. Hence the system was known and mathematically defined in China at least '
from the third century B. C. This date has frequently lead to the speculation that Greek
or Mediterranean knowledge must have arrived in the Far East some time around 300
B.C., presumably following Alexander's invasion of Sogdiana in 327 from where the information may have travelled to Sinkiang in western China. Other authors believed that
the learned information must have come to eastern China via Tibet when Alexander's
armies penetrated as far as the Hyphasis river. All these hypotheses as to routes and
directions of information are based, of course, on the assumption that the pertinent
mathematical and acoustic knowledge did not exist in China before 300 B.C.
The Royal Ontario Museum of Archacology in Toronto owns a set of sonorous stones
originating from the tombes of the Princes of Han in Lo-Yang, in the northern part
of Honan province. According to current sinological opinion, the tombs were closed
in the middle of the sixth century B.C. In 1928 an archacological commission began
excavations, and the finds acquired by the Toronto Museum were evaluated by William
Charles White, the well-known Canadian sinologist, in a catalogue published in 1934.
Traditionally, sets of lithophones from that period consisted of sixteen stones each,
and since the specimens secured appear to come from at least six different sets, there
must have been 96 stones in the tombs. The Museum acquired 18; between 70 and 80 specimens apparently were lost due to ignorance and carelessness during the excavations
— a major catastrophe for Far Eastern musicology.
The author subjected the 18 Toronto lithophones to a thorough physical and acoustic
investigation lasting many weeks, Since six stones were broken, only twelve could be
used as conclusive evidence. Pitches were measured with the aid of a stroboscopic frequency meter whose measuring results are precise to within one cent. A series of complex
acoustic experiments established methods for accurate estimates of the amount of correction to be applied against some individual stones whose surface showed slight
damages. Thus it became possible to determine, within negligible tolerance, the pitches
of three slightly damaged stones before the damage had occurred,
Page 2
Voir dans le PDF(s’ouvre dans une nouvelle fenêtre)Jan LaRue; Harmonic Rhythm as an Indicator of Rhythmic Function
A tabulation of the measurings and reasoned corrections showed that, with one exception, all stones were tuned, within two cents or less deviation, in the ideal pattern of
“Pythagorean” or of just intonation, mostly “Pythagorean”. This is a truly amazing
result if we consider that two cents represent roughly the threshold of tuning accuracy
for highly trained musical cars, and that more than 2500 years have passed since these
lithophones were made or buried. It follows that the Chinese knew and used both the
“Pythagorean” and natural systems of intonation about 550 B.C. or earlier, especially
for the major third which is represented in both intonations among our lithophones, Since
the investigated stones belonged to at least six different sets it also follows that they
were interchangeable between sets, and that each of the twelve lüs actually represented
an independent standard pitch within the semitonic scale system.
The Lo-Yang tombs were closed around 550 B.C.; therefore the stones should be
dated “550 B. C. or earlier”. Now it is certain that many of the funerary gifts found in
the tombs were made earlier than the closing date. Whether or not the lithophones fall
into this category is a matter of archacological speculation; most sinologists are inclined
to doubt it. However, among many richly ornamented and artistically perfected funerary gilts the lithophones are the most primitive objects so far as external appearance
is concerned, This fact speaks in favor of an carlier date of manufacture, particularly
in view of the many sonorous jades from that period which show elaborate and exquisite
ornamentation. Furthermore, there are numerous facts of a strictly musicological nature
— usually unknown to professional sinology and archacology — which forcefully support
an earlier date of manufacture. Most important among these facts is a comparison of
tuning and intonation techniques, and their historical development in China, for sonorous substances such as bronze bells and lithophones in general. This type of evidence
makes it highly probable that the lithophones were actually made in the ninth century
B.C., possibly even earlier. Oriental archaco-musicology may therefore safely assume
that the knowledge and skills of making idiophones for a “Pythagorean” system of intonation of amazing durability and precision were already in existence in China 400
500 years before the achievements of the Pythagorean school,
The above theories of a migration of Greck or Mediterranean knowledge to China
would scem to be refuted by these findings. Either we are concerned here with an independent Chinese tone-system, or we must assume that these acoustic and mathematical
achievements originated in West Asia and penetrated from there in both directions cast
and west. If the information came from West Asia, it arrived much earlier in China than
in the Mediterranean territories. That the ancient Chinese also knew the syntonic
comma, the difference between the natural and “Pythagorean” major thirds, as evidenced
by the presence of both tunings in the Toronto set, makes these findings all the more
significant for Far Eastern archaco-musicology and for our sketchy knowledge of ancient
Oriental musical theory.
VLAN.
MuSikwSS.
MONA EA
JAN LaRUE / DARIEN (CONN.)
Harmonic Rhythm as an Indicator of Rhythmic Function
A central problem in detailed musical analysis is to determine the relative intensity
of the various parts of a piece. We can determine melodic intensity in terms of the melodie contour, the climaxes and depressions of the line. We can estimate harmonic intensity in terms of the relative complications of chord structure, of dissonance, of tension and