The Tomb of the Diver.

ROSS, AR. 2006 R. ROSS HOLLOWAY Abstract the walls ofa tomb, which was no larger than a good- Dating from about 470 B.C., the frescoes ul the Tomb del Tuffatare (Tomb of the Diver) at Paestum are the sized sarcophagus (see dimensions in fig. 2). A fifth slab formed the roof. The natural rock surface served only example of Greek wall painting with figured scenes from the Orientalizing, Archaic, or Classical periods to as the floor. The paintings covering the walls of the tomb place the viewer in the center nf a symposium: survive in thei entirety. Close examination of the paintthe evening gathering of citizens uf Greek commuings shows the working practices of the artists. Technically these are similar to those of the painiters of Etruscan nities devoted to conversation, poetry, and politics, tambs of the period. There is a world of difference, howamid the added pleasures of wine and erotic advenever, between the purpose and conceptualization of ture. Despite its unique status as a tomb painting, Etruscan tomb painting and that revealed in the Tomb the symposium scene of the Tomb of the Diver is of the Diver, Furthermore, although interpretations claiming Orphic or Pythagorean significance have been oddly familiar because the same scene, composed in advanced, reconsideration of the frescoes gives some reason to think that the program lor the tomb's decoration may have been of the simplest nature and develaped by the artists themselves from prototypes in Attic vase painting available to them in Icaly. Thus, although the diver may make reference to the moment of death and the symposium may have been intended to create a welcoming scene to surround the dead man in the tomb, the creation of these frescocs may owe more to the initiative hy.” of the painters than to any complexities of phil similar fashion, is well known from the decoration of contemporary Attic painted pottery, red-figure cups and wine-mixing vessels intended for use at the svmposium. This cannot he said for the painting found on the ceiliug of the tomb. The image of a diver is almost unknown in Greek art, and this scene of a lonely figure plunging past a masonry tower into a stream is unique. l had the good fortune to see the paintings of the tamb two days after their discovery, on 5 June 1968, INTRODUCTION some 3,500 m south of the city walls of Paestum. [was The Tomb of the Diver is the only example of in the company of Prot, Mario Napoli, then Superin- Greek painting with figured scenes dating from the tendent of Antiquities for the Provinces of Salerno, Orientalizing, Archaic, or Classical periods to survive Benevento, and Avellino, and the discoverer of the in its entirety (fig. 1). Among the thousands of Greek tomb, and Prof. Venturino Panebianco, then Directombs known from this time (roughly 700-400 B.C.), tor of the Museums of the Province of Salerno? We this is the only one to have been decorated with fressaw the paintings of the tomb in the darkened storcoes of human subjects. It was created about 470 B.C., age room of the museum at Paestum to which they in the Greek city of Poseidonia (in Roman times had been taken. The conversation among us tuned known as Paestum) on the Tyrrhenian cuast of Italy without delay to the salient problems presented by the just south of Salerno. Although little of the skeleton appearance of this hitherto unsuspected discovery. was preserved, it is widely assumed that the occupant Panebianco wanted us 119 remember that Paestum's was a young man. A plain black-glazed Jekythos of location near the mouth of the Sele River, considabout 480 accompanied him, as did the carapace of ered by the ancients to be the border between Greek a tortoise, which almost surely had been the soundand lalic-Etruscan Italy, meant that tomb painting ing box of a lyre, the wooden frame of which had at Paestum should be viewed in relation to influence completely disintegrated.' Four separate slabs formed from the Etruscans, whose archaic and classical tomb * The author exp! his g le to Dr. Giuliana Tocco Sciarelli, Superintendent of Cultural Property for the Provinces of Salerno, Avellino and Benevento, and to Dr. Marina Cipriani, useful references are also due to Profs. Thomas H. Carpenter, Director of the National Archaeological Museum of Paestum, copy photographs. Maurizio Gualtieri, and Silvio Panciera, * Two aryballos spouts were also present (Napoli 1970, 67- for their many courtesies to him in connection with the study ul these painting and the prep 8). of this article. An even greater debt is owed to the late Prof. Mario Napali, dedicated “The color photographs of the tomb frescoes in this article were taken by the author on that occasion. _ archacologist and generous friend. Thanks for important and 365 American Journal of Archaeology 110 (2006) 365-88 lam further indebted to Alice Walsh for drawing fig. 1 and to Brooke Hammeste for

Tomb the Diver R. ROSS HOLLOWAY The Tomb of the Diver is the only example of Greek painting with figured scenes dating from the Orientalizing,Archaic,or Classicalperiods to survive in its entirety (fig. 1) . Among the thousands of Greek tombs known from this time (roughly 700-400 B.C.), this is the only one to have been decorated with frescoes of human subjects.It wascreated about 470 B.C., in the Greek city of Poseidonia (in Roman times known as Paestum) on the Tyrrheniancoast of Italy just south of Salerno. Although little of the skeleton was preserved,it is widely assumed that the occupant was a young man. A plain black-glazed lekythos of about 480 accompanied him, as did the carapace of a tortoise, which almost surely had been the sounding box of a lyre, the wooden frame of which had completelydisintegrated.1Fourseparateslabsformed the walls of a tomb, which was no larger than a goodsized sarcophagus (see dimensions in fig. 2). A fifth slab formed the roof. The naturalrock surface served as the floor. The paintings covering the walls of the tomb place the viewer in the center of a symposium: the evening gathering of citizens of Greek communities devoted to conversation, poetry, and politics, amid the added pleasures of wine and erotic adventure. Despite its unique status as a tomb painting, the symposium scene of the Tomb of the Diver is oddly familiarbecause the same scene, composed in similar fashion, is well known from the decoration of contemporaryAtticpainted pottery,red-figurecups and wine-mixing vessels intended for use at the symposium. This cannot be said for the painting found on the ceiling of the tomb. The image of a diver is almost unknown in Greek art, and this scene of a lonely figure plunging past a masonry tower into a stream is unique. I had the good fortune to see the paintings of the tomb two days after their discovery,on 5 June 1968, some 1,500 m south of the citywallsof Paestum.I was in the company of Prof. Mario Napoli, then Superintendent of Antiquities for the Provinces of Salerno, Benevento, and Avellino, and the discoverer of the tomb, and Prof. Venturino Panebianco, then Director of the Museums of the Province of Salerno.2We saw the paintings of the tomb in the darkened storage room of the museum at Paestum to which they had been taken. The conversationamong us turned withoutdelayto the salient problemspresented by the appearance of this hitherto unsuspected discovery. Panebianco wanted us to remember that Paestum's location near the mouth of the Sele River, considered by the ancients to be the border between Greek and Italic-EtruscanItaly, meant that tomb painting at Paestum should be viewed in relation to influence from the Etruscans,whose archaic and classicaltomb *The authorexpresseshis gratitudeto Dr. GiulianaTocco Sciarelli,Superintendentof CulturalPropertyforthe Provinces of Salerno,AvellinoandBenevento,andto Dr.MarinaCipriani, Directorof the NationalArchaeologicalMuseumof Paestum, for theirmanycourtesiesto him in connection with the study of these paintingand the preparationof this article.An even greaterdebt is owed to the late Prof.MarioNapoli,dedicated archaeologistand generousfriend.Thanksfor importantand usefulreferencesare alsodue to Profs.ThomasH. Carpenter, MaurizioGualtieri,and SilvioPanciera.I am furtherindebted to AliceWalshfor drawingfig. 1 and to BrookeHammerlefor copy photographs. 1Two aryballosspoutswere also present (Napoli 1970,678). 2The color photographsof the tomb frescoesin this article were takenby the author on that occasion. Abstract 470 from about B.C.,the frescoes of the Tomba Dating del Tuffatore (Tomb of the Diver) at Paestum are the only example of Greekwall painting with figured scenes from the Orientalizing,Archaic, or Classicalperiods to survivein their entirety.Close examination of the paintings shows the working practices of the artists. Technicallythese are similarto those of the paintersof Etruscan tombs of the period. There is a world of difference, however, between the purpose and conceptualization of Etruscantomb painting and that revealed in the Tomb of the Diver. Furthermore, although interpretations claiming Orphic or Pythagoreansignificance have been advanced,reconsiderationof the frescoes givessome reason to think that the programfor the tomb's decoration may have been of the simplest nature and developed by the artiststhemselvesfrom prototypesin Atticvase painting available to them in Italy.Thus, although the diver may make reference to the moment of death and the symposiummay have been intended to create a welcoming scene to surround the dead man in the tomb, the creation of these frescoes may owe more to the initiative of the painters than to any complexities of philosophy.* INTRODUCTION AmericanJournal of Archaeology110 (2006) 365-88

Fig. 1. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver (drawingby A. Walsh). paintings are well known and are documented as far south as Capua in inland Campania.Napoli emphasized the Greekness of these paintings and the problem of the thematic, and no doubt symbolic, connection between the diver and the symposium scene. These two topics have dominated scholarship on the tomb for the last half century. Publication of the tomb was rapid. An initial article in he Scienzein 1969 was followed the next year In both, the by Napoli's book, La TombadelTuffatore.3 discoverer'sobservations on the technique and style of the paintings were laid out, together with a sober view of the interpretive problems raised by the decoration. The reception of these publications in the worldof classicalarchaeologywascuriouslyrestrained. To the best of my knowledge, only two reviews of Napoli's book were published in scholarlyjournals, both in Italy.4The sensation of the discoverywas, of course, clear and led to widespread reproduction of 3 Napoli 1969, 1970. 4BianchiBandinelli1970;Arias1972. images from the tomb, but the discussion in the learned literaturedeveloped slowly.Such an unusual monument, furthermore, was not easy to accommodate in general evolutionarytreatmentsof ancient art. The purpose of the present article is, first of all, to provide a new documentation of the tomb, reviewing the observationsmade by Napoli on its technique and execution. It then takes up the problem of the message to be read in the decoration of this unique monument. DESCRIPTION OF THE FRESCOES The paintingof a symposiumoccupies the fourwalls of the tomb (figs. 3-8). On each of the two long walls (north and south), three couches and their serving tables are positioned so as to appear to rest on the broad red dado below them.5There arefiveoccupants of the couches on each wall: a single symposiaston the left-hand couch and a couple on each of the 5On the associationof the color red and death, see Gernet

Fig. 2. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. Individual slabs with dimensions (drawingby M. Cipriani). adjoining two couches. Each of the figures is covered below the waist by a coverlet. They are all crowned, and additional crowns are placed on the serving tables. The serving tables have three legs, and detailed reconstructionsof them were made by Napoli.6 The klinai are painted in undercoat only. On the north wall, the single symposiastprepares to tryhis luck at the kottabos game. He is sighting over his kylix, in which there are wine lees ready to be projected toward the target (not shown), as is being done by the nearer symposiastreclining on the central couch. The older man of the pair on the central couch turns his attention to the couple on the farther kline. Here the youth graspshis lyre to his chest while discouraging the advances of the older man who caresses his head.7 On the south wall, the first couch (to the left) has a single symposiastholding his lyre balanced against his knee while looking back towardhis companions. In the center, the two figures occupy the couch converse;at right, the younger man playsthe double flute and his companion raises his voice in song.8 The west short wall of the tomb represents a symposiast,nude but with a stole over his arms, leaving the gathering (as indicated by his gesture of separation).9 He is preceded by a flute girl and followed 6 Napoli 1970, 110. A single coverletcoversboth, over the older man's body below the waist,then passing behind the striped pillow and reappearingoverthe lowerbodyof the youth,whereit is decoratedwithwavylinesin diluteblack.The coverletovertheyouth's legs hasa slightlyreddishcreamcolor. It is not the sameshade as the faded color of the klinaiframesor of the costumeof the flutegirlon the westwall.The coverletoverthe older man was not finished.His teeth are carefullyrendered.The blackoutline on his neck does not follow the edge of the area covered bythe skincoloringbut iswellinsideit. Both the youthand the older man have red dots on their cheeks,which appearto be the resultof carelessapplicationof deep red color on the figures. There are preparatorylines in light red at the youth's waistandalongthe edge of the coverlet,just abovethe blue line of the fabriccoveringthe kline. The red line curlingup from the coverletover the frame of the youth's lyreis apparentlya mistake.Thereisa dabof blackpaintbelowthe kylixatthe right of the servingtable. 8In the central group, the flesh color dips below the black line, indicatingthe edge of the coverletacrosstheyouth'sstomach. Since the coverletwasnevergivenitsfinaltreatment,save for twodisconnectedlines descendingbelowthe youth'sright hand and right elbow, the relationof flesh color and outline places us in a position to make some observationsabout the sequenceof thework.The youth'sbodywasgivenitsfleshcolor first.Next, the upper edge of the coverletwasindicatedbythe blackoutline.Clearly,ifhe hadfinishedthe coverlet,the painter would have colored it up to the blackline, thus coveringthe superfluousfleshtone outsideit. Similarly,a runnelof redpaint has invadedthe areareservedfor the pillowbelowthe youth's leftelbow,whichwouldhavebeen coveredif the paintingof the pillowhad been finished.There is anothersmudge of red between the left leg of the servingtableand the adjoiningleg of the kline. 9This gestureis discussedin Boegehold (1999,ch. 2) . In the figure,blackoutlinewasused sparingly;preliminaryoutlinein red is visible,especiallyalong the trailingedge of the figure's right leg.

Fig. 3. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. North wall. Fig. 4. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall. Fig. 5. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. East wall. Fig. 6. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver.West wall.

Fig. 7. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. North wall, details.

Fig. 8. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, details.

by a man wearing a himation and using a walking stick.10All of the figures are wreathed. The flute girl wearsa capwitha knot or loop at its top, and a wreath.n She is not a child; she has fully developed breasts.12 On the east short wall, a serving boy, nude but crowned,is seen beside a table on which there stands a crater,which is also wreathed.There are additional wreathson the table.13 The painting of the ceiling gives its name to the tomb (fig. 9) . Within a black frame marked at its corners by palmettes, a diver descends into a pool or stream of blue-green water.14Below him is a tower rising from the water and behind it a tree growing out of the frame of the picture as if it were a sharply risingcliff face. A second tree marksthe other boundary of the water.The diver'sanatomy is detailed. His ribs are drawnin a complicated pattern. His legs and armsare clearlydelineated. His genitals are carefully rendered, and a small growthof hair has been added to the chin in dilute paint. The figure is fully outlined in black. The ends of the long walls are recessed to form a joint with the side walls.The cover slab rested on the walls thus bonded to sustain its weight. The cover slab, however,is cracked across its middle. A second crack,which led to the separation of a corner of the ceiling slab, is found to the right and below the tower, tree, and palmette at the right side of the painting. The slab had apparentlyalreadylost its corner when the painting was carried out, thus causing the shifting of the black frame and the displacement of one of the palmettes upwardand inwardin the direction of the tower.15 The paintings of the Tomb of the Diver were executed in true fresco. The plaster was applied in a single layer,16and two methods were employed in the design: it was first incised with a stylus (presumably made of wood) and then rendered with a thin red line.17Napoli made a careful record of these preliminary sketches, which are invaluable evidence for of how the paintings were created, especially for the changes from the original designs of the preliminary sketch of the pair of symposiasts sharing a single couch at the ends of both the north and south walls.18 On the north wall, the final version of the painting differs notably from the preliminary sketch. In the pair of symposiastsoccupying the right-hand couch, the youth's head and upper body were repositioned, and his rightarm,which had originallybeen extended over his leg, is turned in the gesture of refusal that we see in the final painting. A similar repositioning of the head is found in the young symposiastflute playeron the south wall. The sketch for both of these elements of the symposium scene was carried out by incision.19 The colors employed are black, red in variousconcentrations(producingtones from brightred through red-brownto deep red), blue, green, and white. An 10The hangingfoldsof the himationof the older man were made by firsttracingtwoverticallines in blackwith a straight edge. The same practicewasfollowedin the outer line of the trailingfolds of the himationbelow the right arm. 11For parallels,see ZancaniMontuoro 1983. As noted by Otto (2003), the crownof the flute girl has triple projecting ends, while that of her youthfulcompanion has two, and all other figuresin the symposiumscene have crownswith only one projectingend. 12Her lowerleft wasmade widerthan thatindicated leg by the preliminarysketch.Herrightfootwasmovedslightlyto the right.The originalintention waspossiblyto show her with a somewhatshorteruppergarment,assuggestedbythe original linesof her twolegs,whichextend upwardabovethe hemline thatwasfinallyadopted.The chiton appearsat her neck and emergesbelowthe overgarment.The darkoutlineforthe lower edge of the chiton betweenher ankleswasnever added. The pale tone of her clothing in its present condition may be an undercoatonly,suggestingthatthe garmentswerenevergiven their final coloring. 13The oinochoe in the boy'shand wasleft unfinished;it is shown only in preparatoryoutline. There is an odd hanging leaf at the base of the righthandle of the krater.It appearsto be a mistake.For the shape of the krater,a hybridbetween Greekand Lucanianshapes,see Loliucchi (forthcoming). 14The wateris givena swellingformused in Greekpainting asearlyas the FrancoisVasein the firsthalfof the sixthcentury (Ariasand Hirmer 1960, fig. 42). 15The interpretationof the resultingaperturein the ceiling of the tombasan intentionalopeningto the outsideisdiscussed below. 16Thediscussionin Napoli (1970, 95-108) is fundamental. Cf.,however,the remarksof Ciprianietal. (2002) and Melucco Vaccaro(1988), who note thatthe plasteredsurfaceis a single layer,not twoasthoughtbyNapoli.Accordingto MeluccoVaccaro, a portion of the south wall (symposiumscene) was retouchedafterthe plasterhaddriedusinga clay-basedsurfacing. 17The proceduresemployedcan be paralleledin Etruscan tomb paintings (see Vlad Borrelli1991). Napoli (1970, 16771) refersto the execution of the preliminarysketchin red as a "sinopia,"a termthen criticizedbyBianchiBandinelli(1970) as inexact if it is to be understoodin the same sense, which it has in discussionof Renaissanceand Baroquepaintingwhere betweenthe preliminarysketchand the frescoitselfthereis an additionallayerof plaster. 18For the preliminarysketch lines identified by him, see Napoli 1970,figs. 79, 91-4. 19Thisis truealso of the legs of the klinaion the northwall, whichwereadjustedsignificantlyduringthe finalexecutionof the paintings.Along the northwall,movingfrom rightto left, the legs of the firstkline were moved to the left. The rightleg of the middle klinewasshiftedtowardthe right,while the legs of the kline at the left end of the groupwere movedfartherto the left than originallyplanned.

Fig. 9. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. Cover slab. olive color is used for the wreathsworn by everyfigure in the symposiumscene, the leaves of the trees in the diving scene, and, in the symposium scene, for the wreathsadorning the krateron the west wall and displayed on the serving tables beside the klinai. There is also evidence of a grayishundercoating, visible on the klinai and in the costume of the flute girl of the west wall. The coverlet of the symposiaston the far left of the north wall is in the same shade. The principal color is a red found in the flesh tones and the palmette petals, stems, and ends of the volutes in the diving scene; it is also used for the tree trunks,as well as for the high dado below the symposiumscene. The application of the red color over large areas of the painting is somewhat uneven. This is especially visible on the dado. More than once, droplets of paint ran down onto the dado (e.g., immediatelybelow the flute girl on the west wall). These runnels show that in the final coat the paint was applied in a dense state to produce the tone of the red of the servingtables;it is also found among the pillows on which the symposiastsrecline and in other details such as the cap and double flutes of the flute girl. The exposed flesh of the reclining figures of the symposiastsand the male figures of the two end wallswas also painted in two stages, first in a lighter shade and then in the denser final coat. This wasapplied unevenly,however, producing an interesting pattern of vertical, narrow brushstrokeson the nude youth of the west wall and on the older symposiastof the pair on the right-hand couch of the north wall.The left arm of the latterrests on a pillow, a part of which is unfinished. It was evidently intended to be red, and the same red would have been carriedup onto the arm of the symposiast. But this was not done, leaving a light area on the symposiast'sarm exactlymatchingthe unfinishedarea of the pillow.The procedurecan also be seen clearlyin the case of the treesof the ceiling painting.The undercoat is a red-pink.The upper coat, used only for the barkof the main trunk,is deep red.20 Black outline is used extensively, both to silhouette figures and to render anatomical detail. It is important to note, however, that the figures were not painted by beginning with a black outline. Their internal anatomy and their outlining were added after the flesh tones had been painted on the plaster. In many parts of the paintings, there is no outline for the figures beyond that provided by the preliminary sketch. However, the figure of the flute girl on the west wall suggests the use of a pale undercoating to define the area of the figure before black outline was added. The same undercoat is visible on the long walls of the tomb, on the coverlet of the symposiast on the far left of the north wall, and on the frames of the klinai on both long walls. Rather than representing a faded condition of their final state, they seem to have been left unfinished. The serving table of the couple in the center of the north wall docu- 20The same techniquewasemployed for the palmettesat the four cornersof the coverslab.

ments painting in deep red over this undercoating, which is visible outside the finished area of both legs.21Presumablythe klinai frameswould have been completed in the same deep red as the servingtables. The coverlets of the central group and of the single symposiaston the south wall also appear to be unfinished, left in white or reddish cream with no further decoration such as we find in dilute black on the coverlet of the couple occupying the far right couch on the north wall. The black lines of the chest and stomachmusculatureas representedon the north and west walls are a stereotype taken from contemporaryAttic red-figurepottery,used withoutvariation on the single symposiastat the left, the right-hand figure on each of the other two couches, and with some foreshortening, on the youth in the center of the scene with the flute girl on the west wall. This detailing of internal anatomy, not found on the south wall, is one of the elements that suggested to Napoli that two master painters were involved in the creation of the tomb.22The Maestrodel Tuffatore executed the north wall and the scene of the diver on the ceiling. He mayalso be credited with the paintings of the two short walls. His are the remarkably varied and expressiveheads of the symposiastsof the north wall, three bearded men and two youths, who, however,are not replicas of one another but each a distinctiveindividual;the more graceful is the youth on the right-hand kline, the more masculine, the kottabos player with his raised kylix on the central couch. This artist worked easily with overlapping planes, especially in the rendition of the couples of symposiastson the north wall. He was at home with foreshortening, of which there is a remarkable example in the upraised right hand of the kottabos playerof the central kline of the north wall.The treatment of the beards and hair is wonderfully detailed; each strandof the short curlybeards is rendered with a separate line, a treatment that continues along the edge of the hair over the neck and forehead.23But the Maestrodel Tuffatoreshares this technique with a second painter, the Maestro della LastraSud, who was responsible for the south wall of the tomb.24And in the work of both painters there is an enlivened facial expression because the white of the eyeball is indeed white, a characteristicthat is, of course, lost in red-figurepottery. Napoli characterizedthe Maestro del Tuffatoreas "[a] free and more self-confident As exceptional as it was in the Greek world, the Tomb of the Diver's painted interior was far from unique in contemporaryItaly.Indeed, together with 21The undercoat designof the left leg of thistableextended upwardtojoin the frameof the kline. 22 Napoli 1970, 185-89. 23On the Maestrodel TufFatore, see the excellentdiscussion ofRouveret1989, 139-57. 24And, accordingto Napoli (1970), the twoshortwallsof the tomb. 25"[U]n disegnatorepiudisinvoltoe sicuro";"undisegnatore meno esperto e dalla mano qua e la incertae meno incisive" (Napoli 1970, 185). draftsman."The Maestrodella LastraSud was, in his words, "[l]ess expert and here and there displaying an uncertain and less incisive hand."25Certainlythe Maestro della Lastra Sud avoided the complexities of overlapping found in his colleague's work and made no experiments with foreshortening. However, the overall layout of the two long walls with the reclining symposiastswas clearlya single design, and it is possible that it was prepared by neither of the two masters but by the leader of their atelier. In executing the design, the Maestro del Tuffatore introduced significant variations from the original sketch in his best figures on the north wall of the tomb. The Maestro della Lastra Sud, on the other hand, was more faithful in following the preliminary sketch. Of course, even while recognizing that there were two main hands at work on the paintings for the tomb, one must still suppose a workshop with the usual complement of assistants. Certainly the completion of the couch covers on the north wall wasentrusted to such an apprentice,who, in his haste, ran his blue line between the middle couch and the couch adjoining it to the left with no break between the two couches. And a similar moment unworthy of the main painters can be noted in the summary striping of the coverlet of the youth with a lyre on the far right-hand kline of the north wall. Black outline was used by the Maestro della LastraSud more sparinglythan by the Maestrodel Tuffatore.His work is notable for the simplicity of its anatomical markings. The hand of the Maestro del Tuffatore emerges on the west wall in the head of the man wearing a himation, in the anatomy of the youth in the center of the scene, and in the figure of the flute girl in the overlapping planes of her two arms and of her hands on the double flute. The east wall also appears to be the work of the Maestro del Tuffatore. The leg of the serving boy has the same three lines marking the shin that are found on the leg of the youth of the west wall. A characteristic "hook"for the ankle bone is also found on the serving boy, the youth, and the man in the himation on the west wall. RELATIONTO ETRUSCANTOMB PAINTING

the painted tomb of similar date at Capua, it represents a southern extension of the taste for painting in the interior of tombs that was particularlystrong in southern Etruria but not unknown, though represented by tombs lacking figural decoration on their painted walls, in Messapia (Ugentum) and at Tarentum.26 It is in Etruria, however, that tomb painting had developed into an important and frequently practiced art. Etruscanchamber tombs began to be decorated during the seventh century.27 The line of waterfowl in the Tomba delle Anatre (Tomb of the WaterFowl)atVeiibegins the seriesof figuredscenes.28 In the same group of early tombs, the Tomba dei Leoni Dipinti (Tomb of the Painted Lions) and the Tomba degli Animali Dipinti (Tomb of the Painted Animals) at Cerveteri introduced fierce and apotropaic animals with the obvious purpose of defeating those influences malevolent to the living or to the dead.29In the sixth century, Etruscanpainters at Tarquiniamade an isolated excursion into the representation of Greek mythology in the Tomba dei Tori (Tomb of the Bulls), in which the scene of the ambush of Troilos raises the question of the penetration of Etruria by Greek culture.30While some scholars have gone so far as to hold that Etruriawas so influenced by Greek imagery,Greek religion, and the customs of Greek society (seen especially in the banquet) that it became no more than a provincial version of Greece and Magna Graecia, it is also possible, and in my opinion closer to reality, to recognize the independence in language, religion, and probably funeral beliefs among the Etruscans, despite the wholesale adoption of Greekvisualimagery by the Etruscans,the presence of Greek merchants in the Etruria'sharbortowns,and the arrivalof Greek expatriates on Etruscan soil.31So, in the case of the Tomb of the Bulls, I have argued that the ambush and sacrifice of Troilos was used for expiatory and apotropaic purposes in its Etruscan setting rather than as a gesture to any aspect of Hellenism.32 After 540, and in the hands of the Ionian painters who arrivedin Etruriain the wake of the Persianconquests in Asia Minor, a recurring convention dominated Etruscanpainting at Tarquinia.A scene of the funeral celebration in and around the tent erected for the purpose was reproduced pictorially in the tomb to placate and honor the dead, although elements of the former preoccupation with apotropaic imagery were not lacking. This is evidenced by the fierce animals still found in the gable triangles of these tombs and touches such as the gesture of the woman dancer of the Tomba delle Leonesse (Tomb of the Lioness), her fingers forming the horn of protection against the Evil Eye.33 At an early stage in the formation of the tent and funeral banquet convention at Tarqunia,a set of frescoes was executed that constitute an unicum in Etruscan tomb painting. These are the paintings of the Tomba della Cacciae della Pesca (Tombof Hunting and Fishing).34The program of decoration of this tomb can be described as both conventional and uniquely adventurous.The outer chamber has clear ties with the past of tomb painting at Tarquinia. Around its four walls a scene of frenzied dancing takes place in a grove where variousobjects (wreaths, baskets, mirrors) hang from the trees. This is not the first appearance of trees in the Tarquinian painted tombs. There is a frieze of trees below the Troilos scene in the Tomb of the Bulls, and the significance of trees in defining place in these scenes has been pointed out.35Over the doorwayleading to the inner chamber we find a return from the hunt (two servantscarrythe game suspended on a pole). There are two figures on horseback and a huntsman on foot with two dogs. Because this is a return from the hunt, it cannot be interpreted as the beginning of a journey to the underworld. But the lush vegetation in which the procession takes place, so familiar from the seventh-century Campana Tomb at Veii, may lead one to speculate that this image belongs to the same tradition and serves to snare the Evil Eye.36 26 Capua:Weege 1909,no. 15;Ugentum:Lo Porto1970;Tarentum:Napoli 1970, 89, fig. 29;see also Tine Bertocchi1964, 113, no. 54; Dell'Aglioand Lippolis2003, 133, no. 1. For paintingin the Etruscanchamber tombs, see Steingraber(1986) and Naso (1996), the lattera workthat has the virtueof collectingthe manyexamplesof the simpleuseof color to emphasizearchitecturaldetails,aswellaswhatone normally thinksof as "paintedtombs."Itis readilyapparentfromNaso's workhow exceptional tombswith painted figuraldecoration were in earlyEtruria. 28 Steingraber1986,no. 175. 29 Steingraber1986, nos. 3, 6. 30Steingraberl986,no. 120. 31"L'Etruria e una delle provincedellaculturagreca"(d'Agostino and Cerchiai1999, xix). The classicexpressionof this trainof thoughtisHampeandSimon(1964),butfortheEtruscan craftsmanasthe uncertainadapterof Greekoriginals,see Cam1999. poreale 1965, 1968, 1969;Gran-Aymerich 32Hollowayl986. 33 Steingraber1986,no. 77. For the birthand development of the tent convention,see Holloway1965.On the EvilEyeand charmsagainstit, see Elworthy1895;Levi 1951. 34 Steingraber1986,no. 50. 35Rouveret1988a. 36Forthe CampanaTomb atVeii,see Steingraber1986,no.

That is certainlythe purpose of the grove and dance on the main register of the walls. The trees delimit, but they are festooned with objects that can attract (and, in the case of the mirrors,dazzle) the malicious gaze. And the dancers with their vigorous gestures serve further to distractthe same dangerous force. The inner chamber of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing is renowned for the panorama of seashore, fowling,fishing, and swimmingthat surroundsits four walls. There is, however, a second scene occupying the gable at the far end of the chamber. A banqueting couple, surrounded by servantsand entertained by a flautist, reclines in comfort. The man offers a wreath to his companion. Two girls at the feet of the woman weave more wreaths. At the other side, manservantsare busy around the kraters and other vessels. All in all, this appears to be a scene of pleasant conviviality.Is it an excerpt from the kind of banqueting scenes that were beginning to appear at this time in Tarquiniantombs depicting the funeral feast? Or is it an image of the dead patronusand his spouse, familiar from the well-known Sarcofago degli Sposi (Sarcophagus of the Married Couple) from Cerveteri?37The position of the painting, however,should make one hesitant to accept either of these alternatives outright. The gable is the place for apotropaic images, and, in fact, at the opposite end of the same chamber,over the doorwayleading to the antechamber of the tomb, there are two apotropaic felines. Moreover, subtle details suggest that the dining couple has a similar function. The man is making overt advances to the woman. His leg is curling suggestivelyaround her waist and his hand is resting on her shoulder. There is more than a faint hint of sex, and the Evil Eye, itself the enemy of potency, faces defeat by any show of sexual vigor. Thus any interpretation of this couple must recognize its apotropaic overtones.38 And so we turn to the diver in that extraordinary scene of man and nature that fills the lower walls of the inner tomb chamber (fig. 10). Having protected the dead from malevolence that could disturb them, the painter of the tomb might well have turned to the themes of the funeral celebration for the decoration of the walls of the inner chamber of the tomb. But instead he painted a vast panorama of sky, sea, and land. It has been observed that the style of the figures in this scene has much in common with that of Samianblack-figurecups.39The scene that wascreated in the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing, however, has a scope that is otherwise unparalleled in the art of its day. One element, and one element only, of this scene is the diver plunging from a rocky headland into the sea. How different is this concept of decoration in the tomb from that of the Paestan image of the diver, caught alone in the moment of death but assuring the occupant of the tomb lying below that death is a brief passage to the further shore, as is argued below. It is difficult to imagine that the Etruscan diver could have been the bearer of any symbolic reference, especially symbolic reference to Greek legend or belief.40A similarimage was thus employed, in one case in Tarquinia,in the other at Paestum, in different contexts and for very different purposes. Thus Etruscan tomb painting was without question a factor in the creation of the Tomb of the Diver. But it was no more than a distant exemplar of what 37Pallottino1980,figs. 170-73. (1965)proposesthatthe singlecouplestandsfor 38Holloway the groupof banqueters.One maynote furtherthatthewoman makesa gesturethatwe interpret,when found in the Tomb of the Diver,as a sign of hesitationor refusal,as I havearguedin regardto thewestwallof the tomb.Butit isfarfromcertainthat the languageof Greekgestureswasthe sameas thatof Etruria. 39 RecentlybyRouveret1992. In a forthcomingstudyI examine the questionof the visualpanoramafound in the Tomb of Hunting and Fishingin relationto the artisticformationof Ionian artistsbefore their migrationto Etruria. 40Itwillbe clear,therefore,thatwe do not concurwiththe theoryof d'Agostinoand Cerchiai(1999, 61-72) thata common themeof eroticismunitesthe programsof the twotombs, or with thatof Massa-Pairault (1992, 86), who sees the outer chamberof the Tomb of Hunting and Fishingas a groveof Turan-Aphroditeand the inner chamberas an exaltationof the sea as the fecund element of the same goddess. Fig. 10. Tarquinia, Tomb of Hunting and Fishing. Inner chamber,detail (courtesySoprintendenzaper i BeniArcheologici dell'EtruriaMeridionale).

could be done. On undertaking the commission to decorate the interior of the Tomb of the Diver, its painters had no doubt heard about these Etruscan practicesand might have seen something of the sort at Capua. But in carrying out their specific assignment, they were very much on their own. THE SYMPOSIUMSCENE In interpreting the paintings at Paestum,the scene of the diver on the ceiling is more challenging than the symposiumof the tomb's side walls. But it is necessary to understand the symposium scene on the wallsof the tomb before confronting the problem of interpreting the diver. The symposium painted on the walls of the tomb wasnot a magicalformula assuringthat the pleasures and honor of the funeral celebration continued for eternity. This was the Etruscan convention that developed at Tarquinia.It was not the episodic celebration of the dead man's life that we find in Asia Minor.41There is little likelihood that it was meant to substitutefor the displayof grave goods that was a mark of the end of the Iron Age and orientalizing times in central Italy and which was alive as late as the end of the fifth century when a "princely"burial was made at Roscigno in the immediate hinterland of Paestum.42In Greece, the symposium was not a funeral theme.43And this factor, too, adds difficulty to the reading of the paintings of the tomb. Napoli based his interpretation of the symposium scene on the group of figures represented on the west wall: a man dressed in a himation and bearing a staff and who is preceded by a youth and a flute girl. He made it clear that the flute girl and her companions could be seen either as late comers to the of Plato, or as party,like Alcibiades in the Symposium a group departing from the same gathering, as happens in the same dialogue. In his opinion, it was the latter alternative that rang true.44 41Mellinketal.1998. 42Hollowayand Nabers1982;Greco 1996. 43 Murray1981, 1988. 44"Edin questo usciredopo il banchetto (la vita terrena?) dovrebbe trovarela sua spiegazione la lastraovest ed il suo collegamentocon le altre,poiche coluiche esce,precedutodal flautista,e propriocolui che va versol'al di la" (Napoli 1970, 147). Opinioncontinuesdividedon thisquestion.Roesler(1983) followsNapoli, but, e.g., Warland(1999) upholds the opposingview.Rouveret(1976)considersthe possibilitythatthe three figuresare all entertainers.CynthiaDamon suggestedto me, on the occasionof a lectureatAmherstCollege,23 March2005, the possibilitythat the youth and older man of the west wall could be intended as symposiastscoming to take two vacant places,one on the end couch of both the northandsouthwalls, [AJA110 The dress of the youth in the center of scene, who, in Napoli's interpretation, is identified as the dead man himself, calls for brief comment. Or rather,it is not so much the dress as the lack of it that deserves comment. Despite the common appearance of figures clothed only in a stole drapedaround their shoulders in scenes of the komos on Attic red-figurevases, no one can reasonablyassume that normal Athenian gentlemen paraded through the streets of the city in such a state, even in the wee hours of the morning. Such marginalnuditycould also be formalundress. It appears as such in the Calf Bearer,one of the most well-known archaic sculptures from the Athenian acropolis, and, in western Greece, in the "draped kouros"in Syracuse.45 Formal undress in sculpture is evidently a means of elevating the subject from the here and now to a higher state, moving toward the full state of nudity, which was reserved for divinities and the heroized dead, although divinities, notably Apollo, are also shown wearing only a stole around the shoulders. So how is it that komoi of men in this state of almost nudity appear so commonly on Attic red-figurevases of the time of the Tomb of the Diver? Frequently given to song, they also display signs of intoxication. They have been carried to a higher state of consciousness by the wine of Dionysos. One may not be far from wrong, therefore, to see their dressas a visuallanguage showing their inspired state. The eroticism, kottabos, and music and singing of the symposium scene are elements typically found in similar representations in Attic vase painting, which were early recognized as prototypes of the Paestan paintings.46However, since no attempt has been made to search out close prototypes for each symposiast,it may be useful to do so here. NorthWall 1. Single symposiastat left (cf. figs, lla, lib).47 2. Middle group (cf. figs. 12a, fig. 12b).48 thusgivingeach couch twooccupants. 45For the CalfBearer,see Hirmerand Lullies1957, pls. 24, 25; for draped kouros,see Holloway1975, figs. 182-84. ^ParisiBadoni(1968), seeingstrongtiesaswellto Campanian black-figure pottery.ButErmini(1994)makesthepointof direct dependence on models in Atticvase painting.Napoli (1970, 126 ff.) was also inclined to credit the Paestanpainterswith greaterindependencefromtheirmodelsthanallowedthemby ParisiBadoni. 47For the hand of the same figure type holding a kylix,see CVAGreatBritain17,pl. 13b.Amongthe new ^^,455,^x9; additionsto the repertoireof Atticred-figurevases,see alsothe tondo of the kylixpublishedby Tzachou-Alexandri2002. 48See also ARV2(24, no. 9) for figuresat center and left.

Fig. lla. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver.North wall, figure at left. 377 Fig. lib. Attic red-figure cup (Felbermeyer;© DAI Rome, neg. 34.2287). Fig. 12b. Attic red-figure hydria signed by Phintias, detail, British Museum, London (CVAGreat Britain 7, pl. 72:3). Fig. 12a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. North wall, middle group. 3. Right-handgroup (cf. figs. 13a, 13b).49In figure 13b the youthful member of the pair has the exact pose of his counterpart in the Tomb of the Diver,although he does not hold a lyre. For the pose with lyre (in the original composition of the figure of the tomb in preliminarysketch with left arm extended), see figure 13c.50The space between the youth and his companion in this figure is greater than that in the tomb. The older figure does not caressthe head of the youth and holds a kylixin his right hand. Figure 13d shows the motive of caressing the head.51 South Wall 1. Single symposiastat left (cf. figs. 14a, 14b) .52For the lyre, see figure 14c. 49See also ARV2,1279, no. 51; CVAUSA 18, 30:1. pl. 50See also ARV2,24, no. 9. 51See ARV2(467, no. 118), signed by Hieron as potter,for an hetairacaressingthe head of her companionon a kline;see also Kunisch1997, no. 377. 52See alsoARV2(275, no. 64) , holding egg but withoutlyre. 2. Middle group (cf. figs. 15a, 15b).53 3. Right-hand group (cf. figs. 16a, 16b).54Pindar alludes to the singer's head thrown back in song.55For the symposiastwith the double flute, see figure 16c. Pillowsand Coverlets 1. Pillowwith central seam and stripesto either side of it.56 2. Coverletswith sinuous lines crossing it as north wall right-hand group.57 The paintings of the tomb, however, cannot be thought of in the same way as the scenes painted on drinking cups and kraters. In the case of the tomb, although consigned to darkness,the scene of the symposium surrounded the dead man in a meaningful 53See also ARV2,1279, no. 51. 54See alsoARV2,437, no. 128;Buitron-Oliver1995,no. 173. 55fr. D2.13 Snell and Maehler. 56cf. ARV2,88, no. 4; CVAGermany21, Tav.51:3, 56:1. 57cf. Richterand Hall 1936, 49, no. 58.

Fig. 13a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver.North wall, group at right. Fig. 13b.Atticred-figurekrater,LosAngeles CountyMuseum no. 48.25 (© 2005 MuseumAssociates/LACMA). Fig. 13c. Detail of Attic red-figurehydriasigned by Phintias, British Museum, London (CVAGreat Britain 7, pl. 71:2). way.Painted on a drinking cup, the symposium was an appropriate touch on a vessel made with the drinking partyin mind but a touch of decoration that could either catch the eye or be ignored. The image was in no waylinked to the fate of the individualwho held the cup on which it was painted. But one cannot escape the fact that the tomb painting we are examining must have spoken to the dead or worked in some way to ease his lot after death.58The symposium scene thus moved from the painted vases that provided the elements of composition for these tomb paintings to the tomb itself, acquiring new significance in the process. As Rouveret has observed: Fig. 13d. Detail of Attic red-figure cup signed by Hieron (Richter and Hall 1936, pl. 54; courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). Whatevermay have been the motive which led to the execution of these frescoes, it is interesting to observethat the Greekpainter treatedthe scenes of the banquetaccordingto the schemawhichdescribed it in Greece ... at the same time doubtlesslyenfolding their anecdotalnaturewith an eschatologicalor funerarysignificance.59 Three elements of the Paestanpaintings can be interpretedas havingsymbolicassociations:the egg held by the first symposiast of the south wall, the number of symposiasts,and their musicalinstruments. The egg is unquestionably at home in a funeral setting.60But its appearance here, like its well-known appearance in the Tomb of the Lionesses at Tarquinia, where two of the banqueters on the side walls 58A point made alreadyby Cagianode Azevedo 1972. 59 "Quelque soit le motifqui aitconduit a 1'execution de ces fresques,il est interessantde remarqueque le peintre grec a traitela scene du banquetselon les schemasquila definissaient en Grece . . . tout en les detournant,sansdoute, de leurvaleur anecdotique pour leur donner un sens eschatologique ou funeraire"(Rouveret1974, 21). ^Nilsson 1951.Forthe appearanceof eggs on south Italian

Fig. 14a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver.South wall, figure at left. hold eggs, is hardly emphasized and does not automatically signal a specific Orphic cult association.61 Just what Orphism meant at Paestum, or in any other location of Magna Graecia in the early fifth century, is difficult to say.The Orphic banquet of the dead is only known from the caricatureof it made by Plato.62 The promise was of an eternal drinking bout (xov anavxa xpovov f}8r}Sidyeiv ueGuovxac;). It is clear, moreover,that there is no relation between the decoration of the tomb and the possibly Orphic formulas of the gold lamellae from Magna Graecia inscribed with directions for the dead to meet the challenges confronting them on their journey to the underworld.63 A Pythagoreaninterpretationof the tomb paintings restson the 10 reclining symposiasts.The number 10, of course, is the Pythagoreanperfect number.64The number seven also recurs in various elements of the tomb's decoration, but this number has no special Pythagorean significance (every number had some connotation attached to it) , and its various manifestations in the tomb show how deceptive numerology can be. Each of the trees flanking the diver in the painting of the ceiling has seven branches. Likewise, the towerof the diverpainting is built with seven vasesand their funeral connotations, see Lohman 1979, 88. Carter(1998, 196) alsocommentson representationson Attic white-groundlekythoi:"Thewhite spheroid objectsplaced in greatnumbersasofferingson monuments,in basketson a tomb base, or on a phiale, may also be eggs." There is also at Metapontuma tombin whicha marbleegg wasfound containing an imageof Aphroditeor Phanes,andwhichthusdoes correspond to Orphiccosmogony (see Guzzo 1991). 61 Napoli 1970,141. Cf.the cautionof Rouveret1974,20;for the Tomb of the Lionesses,see Steingraber1986, no. 77. 62PL, 363c.Anysearchfor echoes of OrphicparRepublic^, tyingin the comic poets depends on referenceto thispassage. 379 Fig. 14b. Detail of Attic red-figureamphora,MuseoArcheologico Nazionale di Firenze, Florence (CVAItaly 13, pl. 42:3). Fig. 14c. Attic red-figure rhyton, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Rome (Felbermeyer;© DAI Rome, neg. 59. 1679). courses of masonry.There are 14 figures in the paintings of the symposium,and each of the lyreshas seven strings.The real number intervalsrepresented by the tuning of the lyrewere, of course, a fundamentaldemonstration of Pythagorean number theory, but this does not mean that the number of strings on the in- 63Collected Zuntz(1971, 277-393), whobelievesthat by they arePythagorean, not Orphic,in origin.OrphicversesandOrphic superstitionwerealsoundergeneralsuspicion;asZuntz(1975, 158) comments, Orphismwas of "unlivello basso e di bassa reputazione."Ourviewthusdifferssharplyfrom the decidedly Orphiccenteredinterpretationof Otto 1990,2003. 64See referencesin s.v."PythagoreanumerDerNeuePauly, ology."AnyOrphicreferenceis uncertain.A scholionon Virgil (Aen.6.119 [Savage1925]) statesthatOrpheus'lyrehad seven strings.Butfor Pseudo-Eratosthenes(24), hiswasa nine-string lyre.

Fig. 15a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, middle group. Fig. 15b. Attic red-figurecup, Musee d'art et d'archeologie, Laon (CVAFrance 20, pl. 50:2) strument was significant.65Furthermore, Iamblichus reports that the Pythagoreans could not abide the flute because they thought it was so violent, yet there are two flutes in the symposium scene of the Tomb of the Diver.66 It is only too easy, however, to find deep philosophy behind one egg and 10 symposiasts.For example, Daisy Warland, the most recent commentator, has few doubts on the matter.67But, as Francoise-Helene Massa-Pairaulthas pointed out, even if significant, the presence of 10 symposiasts in the tomb paintings may represent little more than an instance of numerology in popular culture.68Furthermore, any theory of Orphic or Pythagorean belief permeating the decoration of the tomb must include the image of the diver.69 At the outset it should be made clear that the diver cannot be identified with any of the participants in the symposium.The slight growth of hair on his chin occurs nowhere else among the figures in the paintings. Luca Cerchiai and Warland have suggested, however, that there is a special relationship between the diverand the kottabosplayeron the centralcouch of the north wall of the tomb because the trajectory of the diver'splunge touches the upraised hand and cup of this youth.70The wine projected from this cup finds its target in the cup held by the symposiastat the far left of the wall, in a curve similar to that suggested by the diver's fall. It is hurled into air,just as the diver hurls himself into his dive. This interpretation is valid, however, when the cover slab is raised up to a vertical position so that the diver would appear to be falling toward the central couch and its symposiasts. Yetto be discussed is the erotic element of the decoration. The four couples sharing couches in the symposium scenes (there are only two solitary symposiasts) are in each case an older man and a youth. 65The mostthatcanbe saidfor the Pythagoreansignificance of the number seven is that, as Aristotle commented (Meta.1093a), the Pythagoreansheld thatthingswiththe same number are related. Rouveret (1976, 119-21) discussedthis subject, and far from finding hints of Pythagoreanism,she concluded:"Peut-etrel'elementle plusimportantde ce symposiumest-ilrevocationd'un compagnonnagemasculineau-dela de lamort "Thisisnot to denythatPythagoreannumbertheory influencedsacredarchitectureat Paestum(see, most recently, deZwerte2004). 66 111. Ingeneral,weagreewithRouveret's (1976) VitaPythag. rejectionof the Pythagoreanhypothesis.And here skepticism cautionsus to rememberthat, as Virgiltells the story,Aeneas arriveson the shore of Libyawithsevenships,and once ashore huntssevenstagsto feed his crews(Aen.1.170, 192). The presence of a lyrein the tomb,indicatedbythefragmentsof a tortoise shell, may,however,havesome significancein identifyingthe deadman asmusicianand thuswelleducated (see Pontradolfo 1995). 67"Eneffet,les themesillustresdansla sepultures'inscrivent dans une perspective eschatologique qu'il serait tentant d'associer a ces doctrines si repandues, non seulement en GrandeGrece,maisaussien Etruie.La sobrietedes peintures et du mobilierfuneraireiraitdansle meme sense. Le banquet collectifmasculinetaitun rituelconstitutifet de renforcement des liens d'une communaute.La representationde l'au-dela comme une fete symposiaqueeternelle est evoquee dans la litterature comme appartenant au domaine orphicopythagoricien ("banquetdes purs"dans les" "iles des bienhereureux"localiseesdansle Soleilet laLune) (Warland1999, 205). 68Massa-Pairault 1993, 389-92. 69Rouveret1976, 125. 70Cerchiai1987;Warland1996. D'Agostinoand Cerchiai (1999,65) advancethe suggestionthatthewineprojectedfrom the kylixin the kottabos gamemaybe intendedasa synonymfor the actof diving.Foradditionalcommentson possiblerelationshipsbetweenthe symposiastsand the figuresof the shortends of the tomb, cf. Otto 1990, 268.

Fig. 16a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver.South wall, group at right. 381 Fig. 16b. Attic red-figurecup, MuseumAntikerKleinkunst, Munich (Furtwanglerand Reichold 1904-1932, pl. 105). Although none of the other couples approaches the overt erotic display of the pair at the far right of the north wall, whose older member cradles the youth's head with his hand while the youth modestly extends his arm, palm down, in a gesture indicating hesitation or refusal, there is a general atmosphere of erotic relationships.71 THE DIVER Death and eroticismmay also be intertwinedin the image of the diver.Death and diving were associated in the Greek mind at an early date.72Katapontismos, the leap from the cliff into the waves below, was of course a fate meted out to criminals and scapegoats. But it was also the act of lovers made mad by their passion.73Although we know it as a tale embroidered in later centuries, Sappho's leap from the Leucadian rock was the most famous of these exploits. The concept of love and the leap of desperation, however, were current in archaic and classical times, as expressed by Anacreon: Fig. 16c. Fragmentof Attic red-figurekrater,Museumof Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia no. 98.14a (© MAA,Universityof Missouri-Columbia). Thus the question is whether the diver in the Paestan tomb is simply an image of dying or an image of dying in a state of ecstasy. Before weighing this question, we must consider other elements of the scene. The diver has not made his leap from the tower that occupies the center of the scene with him. Rather, he is passing the tower in his descent. He has leapt from above, from the cliff clearlyindicated by the tree at the right side of the scene.75The tree seems to be growing out of the frame of the scene, but the frame has become, at this side of the picture, the face of a verticallyrisingcliff.This is an olive tree.76 Another olive tree, similar to the one at the right of the diving scene, is shown growingfrom a cliff face at the right-hand side of another diving scene found on the Attic black-figureamphora attributed to the Priam Painter from Monte Abetone and now in the 71The same gesture,discussedby Boegehold (1999, ch. 2), is made by the youth on the westwallof the tomb as a gesture of separation.But here it is a simple "good-bye." 72As we see from instanceswhen the verb 8i3otakeson this 1, 163;Od.12,383,etc.) (seeGeorgoudi meaningin Homer (7Z.1 1988;Ampolo 1993). For the sinisteraspects of the sea, see Lindenlauf2003. 73Forthe notion thatthe leapfromthe rockswasan element of earlyPythagoreanspeculationand belief, based largelyon Carcopino'sinterpretationof stuccoreliefsof the earlyRoman imperialperiod, see Carcopino1926;Rouveret1976, 124-27. 74fr. 21 Edmonds,FAC(fr. 376 Campbell). 75For cliff diving,see De Vries 1978. 76Chazalonl995. dpGek;8i]ut' dno AeuKdSoc; ueGuoovepom. nexprjc;ec;noAiovKuuakoAuu{3(0 Burningand drunkwith love I leap from the white rock into the grey wave.74

Villa Giulia Museum (figs. 17a, 17b).77Although women, particularly maenads, are found in other scenes where they are bathing in the open, this picture of girls diving and swimmingin the seclusion of a grotto framed by sharplyrising cliffs on both sides of the scene is unique in Greek vase painting.78And just as at Paestum, there is a tower in the center, from which one of the bathers is about to dive. Just as at Paestum, a second olive tree is found on the left of the picture.Just as at Paestum, the waterypool, inlet, or river is indicated in a painterlyfashion, the water rising in the background to create, with the swimmer shown in it, an amazing effect of perspective.79 What distinguishes the diving scene at Paestum from this vase painting of perhaps a half century before is its tone. The Priam Painter produced a genre picture of the young girls' outing and its pleasures. Their clothes have been carefullyhung on the trees. Two lekythoi with perfumed oil hang ready for use. From the cliff at the left of the picture issues a spring of water,and one of the bathers is washing her hair below it. The divers (one ready for the plunge, the other looking on) have climbed the tower. In the Tomb of the Diver there is none of this levity. The diver dives alone, isolated against the sky. There is present all the intensity of the moment of death. One may thus entertain the idea that a prototype like the scene on the Monte Abetone amphora has been transformed into this painting of the diver's lonely adventure.Although a frame has been placed around the painting, which has eliminated the cliffs, they were certainlyrepresented in the prototype and remain to give a foothold to the olive tree that clings to the cliff face in the amphora (see fig. 17b), now the frame of the painting.80The diving platform remains.81But the diver, descending from the cliff above, has no connection with it. Why,one may ask, was it kept when it could have been eliminated from the scene? In his review of Napoli's work, Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli opened a line of interpretation regarding the tower that has had a major influence in subsequent discussions. Bianchi Bandinelli identified the body of water into which the diver is plunging as the Stream of Ocean, emphasizing that in early Greek thought the ocean was imagined to be a great river. To the potential objection that the Pillarsof Herakles were two and there is only one pillar in the scene of the diver at Paestum, he answered, repeating an observation of Giovanni Becatti, that the concept of twin Pillars of Herakles was created only after the opening of the Straits of Gibraltarbecame known. In earlier belief there was only the stream of ocean at the boundary of the world and no need to double the pillar.82 This first suggestion of the "gate theory" is open to an important criticism.The earlyfifth centuryB.C. was hardly that distant past when the Greeks may have been unaware of the geographical boundaries of the western Mediterranean. They may even have been aware of them in Mycenaean times and were certainly aware of them by the time Colaeus made his voyages to Tartessos.83 The gate theory, however,has continued to attract attention, notably in the work of Bruno d'Agostino, who bases his interpretationof the toweron the scene of Odysseus and the Sirens shown on a Corinthian aryballos now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (fig. 18) ,84Beyond the Sirens' rock there rises from 11 146,no. 8 Ter.On thisscene,see Moon 1983; Paralipomena furtherbibliographyin Scheibler1987, 112-14;Hurwitt1991. 78For other bathing scenes, particularlyof maenads, see FracchiaMiller1979;Pfisterer-Haxes2003, 36-40. 79As noted in Moon 1983. 80The coveringslabof the tombis damagedon itslowerright side,just below this olive tree. It has been assumed that the curvatureof the borderof the divingscene wasnecessitatedby the fractureof thiscornerof the cover,whichleftan open seam betweenit and the main partof the slab.Thissituationhas engenderedspeculationthatthe cornerwasdeliberatelybroken to providean "entrance"and "exit"from the tomb (Napoli 1970,150), evidencesupportingthisidea comingfromthe fact thatthe curvatureof the paintedframeremainsinside the line of breakage.However,since the curveof the paintedframeof the divingscenewasdrawnto mimicthe clifffaceof the original prototype,it is less certainthatitsformwasdeterminedby the fractureof the corner below it, intentionalor not. The cover slabalsocrackedcrosswaysin its centerafterit wasput in place due to the weight of earth aboveit. 81Napoli(1970,152-55) gavefourhypotheticalgroundplans of the tower,both as a solid and as an open structure.He believedthatit wasthe platformfromwhich the diverhad dived. Slater(1976, 1977) suggestedthatthe "tower" wasin facta temporarystructuremadeout of ladders,an opinion counteredby Holloway1977. 82"A questopunto un collegapiu eruditodi me (G.Becatti) concordandocon la mia supposizione,mi ha fattonotareche a un certo momento l'Oceano mitico fu razionalisticamente collocatoal di la del Mediterraneo,al di la delle 'colonne d'Ercole' e che queste,che poivennerodette 'colonne,'eranodette 'pylai,'porte o 'stelai,'pilastri(cf. Hdt. 4, 15, 2; PL, Criti3). Aggiungoche queste'colonne'siconfiguraronodupliciperche si era conosciutala realtageograficadelle terrea nord e a sud dello strettodi Gibilterra.Maprimadi questarealta,il 'termine del mondo' non potevapossedereun segnacoloduplice;percio non vale l'obiezione che le 'stelai' avrebberodovuto essere due;non potevanoesseredue, perchenellacredenzapiuantica, il fiume Oceano eraaliafine del mondo e non vi potevaessere nella al di la" (BianchiBandinelli 1970, 142). 83Hdt. 1.127. d'Agostino1982;see also d'Agostinoand Cerchiai1999,

Fig. 17a. Attic black-figureamphora from Monte Abetone, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Rome (courtesy Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell' EtruriaMeridionale). Fig. 17b. Detail of Attic black-figureamphora from Monte Abetone (courtesySoprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell' EtruriaMeridionale). the sea a tower not unlike the tower of the Tomb of the Diver. D'Agostino suggests that this image represents the Gates of Hades, the sign of the fate that awaits the victims of the Sirens' song. So, too, the tower in the Paestan painting is meant to represent the Gates of Hades. This suggestive line of reasoning, however, is open to the same criticism that can be made of identifying the tower of the tomb painting with the Pillars of Herakles; it is a single tower, and in Greek painting when a gate is intended, it is shown in frontal view. Alessandro Ermini has made this point with thorough documentation that, in our opinion, settles the matter.85 Let us return for a moment to the tower of the Boston aryballos,which d'Agostino is right in identifying as a close parallel and undoubtedly a parallel with similar significance. This tower is hardly an upnor is it a way to represent a set right stone (oTf]Ar[), of gates (nuAai). What then is it? It is a tower (nupyoc;),and the tower has definite symbolic overtones in Greek thought. In the Odyssey, Ajax is called a tower for the Achaeans ('Apyeioioi . . . nopyoc; [Od. 11.555-56]). Alcaeus compares the defenders of a city to a tower (avftpec;yap noAioc,mjpyoc;dpeuioi).86Sophocles' Oedipus is described as a tower for his country against death (GavcVtcov 8' ea X^P^ rrupyoc;dveoxa [ OT 1200-1 ] ) . And in Euripideswe find the image twice, in the Alcestis,where it is evoked for a father's protection for his son (kcu naiq uev aparrv naxep' ex81nupyov ueyav [Ale.311]) and in the Medeaof her wish for a protector (f]v uev tic;rjuiv rmpyoc; docjxiAfjc;(jmvfj, 56Acpuexeiui x6v5e kcu, oiyfl (})6vov[Med.390-91]). So, in the Tomb of the Diver, the tower, far from being a divingplatformlike that of the PriamPainter's amphora and far from being intended to suggest the Pillars of Herakles or the Gates of Hades, may stand as an indication of hope and safety.This interpretation of the image at Paestum is also applicable to the Corinthian aryballos in Boston. There, Odysseus approaches the fatal danger of the Sirens' perch, but beyond it is a tower of safety,which gives a visual sig- 85Ermini1994.There is no reason to see the swellingform of the waterin the Paestanpaintingasan indicationof an open stretchof ocean. Thisis a conventionfor representingwaterin generalfound as earlyas the FrancoisVase (Ariasand Hirmer 1960,fig. 42). 86fr. 41 Edmonds,FAC(fr. 112 Campbell).

Fig. 18. Corinthian aryballos,Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Helbig 1900, 31). nal of the happy outcome of his dangerous passage. In the PriamPainter'swork, there are no such symbolic overtones. The olive trees of the scene are no more than trees by the side of the water where the girls hang their clothes. But, like the tower, the olive trees make symbolicreference to peace and security.87 Thus the diver, for all the peril of his dive, is surrounded by signs of hope. His passage through the watersthat awaithim will be brief because the tree to the left of the scene marks the safety and restfulness of the nearby shore.88 The Etruscan diver of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing is an element in an illusionistic landscape. Another diver (with swimmers) is depicted in company with the sun god and his chariot on a red-figure kraterin the BritishMuseum (the "BlacasVase").89The diver and swimmersare held to be stars descending into the sea at dawn. Massa-Piraulthas argued that the Paestan diver is also a metaphorical star plunging into the spring of the ocean, which, she emphasizes, is a restrictedbody and so might be represented by the stream between the two trees of the Paestan tomb.90But what is lacking in the Tomb of the Diver is the very cosmic setting that is emphasized on the London vase. If such an overtone was present in the mind of the artist, it was not emphasized.91 In summary then, the individual buried in the Tomb of the Diverwas comforted by a vision of death as a rapid passage to safety. This vision was not derived from teachings of a Pythagorean or Orphic credo but was made by adapting two sets of images from genre art of the day.The prototypeswere in all probabilityvase paintings of the symposium and of bathing and diving, the latter scene rare in painted pottery but documented by the amphora from Monte Abetone.92 The bathing scene was adapted so that it could be read with diving as death, the tower as protection, the olive trees as peace, and the shore beyond leading to the haven awaitingthe diverwhen his passage through water is complete. The symposium scene surrounded the dead man with pleasure. The composition of the figure groups of the symposiastswas also borrowed from vase painting. Is there a place for love and passion in this image? It has been argued that there was, and that this aspect of the painting served to link the scene of the 87See RE,s.v. "Olbaum." 88Thevisionof deaththus projectedbythe imageof the diver has a deep resonancethat transcendstime and culture.Many in their last moments of life have seen a vision of the Elysian fields. "Thosewho are about to leavewill often talkabout seeing beautifullandscapeson the other side and then statethisis where theywillbe afterthey pass.In most cases,once one has had such a vision,deathis no longer somethingto fear"(WillsBrandon2000). Thiswascertainlythe visionbefore the eyesof ThomasJ. (Stonewall)Jackson,LieutenantGeneral,CSA,as he laydyingof his woundsfollowingthe Battleof Chancellorsville on 10 May1863,and those gatheredat his bedside heard him sayhislastwords:"Letus crossoverthe riverand restunder the shade of the trees."The ancient notion of a passageto the underworldacrossthe riverStyxis simplyanother manifestation of these deep-seatedand recurrenthuman reactionsto death. 89BritishMuseum,cat.no. E 466;see alsoLJMC2,s.v."Astra no. 22";I/MC3, s.v."Endymionno. 11";Smith 1896, 284-85; Furtwanglerand Reichhold 1904-1932, pl. 126. 90Massa-Pairault 1993,389-92.Water,both springwaterand the sea, is an agent of purificationaswell as a danger (Eur.,IT 1191-94). 91 Napoli (1970, 161-65) introducesthe London vasein his development of his Pythagoreaninterpretationof the paintings; see also Somville1979. 92For Atticvases at Paestum,see Rouillardand VerbanckPierard(2003) and the contributionsof CiprianiCabreraand

There remains unanswered the question of motivation: what led to the creation of this exceptional tomb in the Greek city at the mouth of the Sele River?For Mario Torelli, the Tomb of the Diver was painted for an Etruscanresident at Poseidonia.95The isolation of its small necropolis from the city and most of the cemeteries surrounding it suggested to him that this was the burial ground of a group of metics.96The program of the Tomb of the Diver and of Etruscantombs, the Tomba delle Iscrizioni (Tomb of the Inscriptions) at Tarquiniain particular,is one and the same; on the ceiling, the diver is beginning his passage to the afterlife, below he is welcomed in the symposium of the afterlife. The Tomb of the Diver, in effect, represents Etruscan tomb painting at Paestum. In the same vein, Rouveret has pointed to the enduring attachment of the Italic world to the paraphernalia of the symposium in the tomb while their Greek neighbors dispensed with any such display.97It is important to note, however,that the Italic and Etruscan tradition was one of both eating and drinking and so not precisely comparable with the institution of the Greek symposium.Viewed without reference to Etruscantomb painting and Italic tomb furniture, the Tomb of the Diver is, first of all, a typical Greek cist tomb; second, a tomb decorated with imagery taken directly from contemporary Greek sources; and last, a tomb belonging to a Greek city, even if located some 1,500 m from its walls. Nothing, however, in all that is known of Greek funeral customs, would have predicted the existence of this tomb. Ionian Greece had experimented with decorated terracottasarcophagiin the sixth century.98 It may be that severalAttic terracottapinakes of the late seventh and sixth centuries with prothesisand threnoscenes were used to decorate sarcophagi.99A Tarentine single grave of the end of the sixth centurywas painted with a decorative border at the top of its walls.100Finally, there are the terracotta sarcophagi from Sicily, notably from Gela, which were given molded architecturaldecoration on their interiors.101These three categories of sarcophagi, or pinakes possibly made to decorate sarcophagi, mark three independent experiments with such decoration. The Tomb of the Diver is a fourth.102 There were, however,two other partiallydecorated tombs at Paestum that can be compared with the Tomb of the Diver. In the same small necropolis where the Tomb of the Diver was found, the walls of a similar tomb had been plastered and a red dado painted on them. But no decoration was added.103 And in 1999, in the Arcioni necropolis just north of the city, a tomb was excavated with a cover slab painted with a frame and corner palmettes similar to those of the Tomb of the Diver.104 The fact that at Paestum other tombs with figured decoration may have been planned but left incomplete should increase one's reluctance to accept the Rouillardtherein.The parsimoniousattitudeof the Greeksgenerallytowardgravegoods means thatthe contentsof tombsat Paestumare probablynot an accurateguide to the repertoire ofAtticvasesimportedintothe city.The so-calledBrygosPainter tomb from EtruscanCapuagivesus a better idea of whatwas availablein the area, on which see Williams1992. 93Hollowayl977. 941 agree with Lamboley(1980), who emphasizesancient beliefsin the life of the dead prolonged in the tomb, while at the sametimewe insiston the generalizedsymbolicovertones of the ceiling decoration. Cagiano de Azevedo (1972) and Rouveret(1976)believethatboth the scene of divingandof the symposiumwerepaintedforthe deadmanasmemoriesof times past. 95Torelli 1997, 138. 96As arguedbyGreco (1982), who holds thatsince thisarea (partof the limestone shelf on which the city itself was constructed)was not subdividedfor agriculturalpurposes (thus not belonging to the citizenry)it was the propertyof metics. The argumentwasfurtherdeveloped by Massa-Pairault 1993. On the cemetery,see also Cipriani1989;Pontrandolfo1995. 97Rouveret1988b,279-82 (drawingin Pontrandolfo1988). 98Cook 1981. "Fairbanks1924,pl. 66, no. 27.146 (EarlyAttic), see alsono. 10.194(black-figure of the midsixthcentury);Mommsen1977; Frel 1983. 100Tine Bertocchi1964, 113,no. 54;Napoli 1970,89, fig. 29; Dell'Aglioand Lippolis2003, 133, no. 1. 101 Bonanno 1998;for Gela,see Panviniand Giudice2004, 149-50. 102 Napoli 1970,65. 103Napolil970,65. 104 The discoveryis mentioned in Ciprianiet al. 2003, 142. Otherwise,it is unpublished. ceiling thematicallywith the clearlyerotic content of the symposium scenes on the walls below it.93This may well be the case. However, the paintings of the ceiling and walls of the Tomb of the Diver may belong together not because they are part of a logical program of funeral symbolismbut because of an independent relation of the two themes to the dead man of the tomb. While the image of death as a speedy passage through the waters was displayed above him, surrounding him was a symposium that would never end and in which he participatedto the full, sounding his lyre in the company of his fellow musicians. And so the symposium fulfills the promise of the diver's quick passage to safety,for safety is what awaited him beyond the farther shore.94 THE MOTIVATIONFORTHE DECORATIONOF THE TOMB

theory that the Tomb of the Diver was an otherwise unparalleled creation made for a nostalgic Etruscan. Nevertheless, the Tomb of the Diver is exceptional in its Greek context, although the remark of Friis Johansen to the effect that in archaic and early classical Greece, remarkable tombs often were made for youths and maidens who died prematurely may hold the key to a better understanding of the tomb.105The fate of the young man who was buried in the Tomb of the Diver, if a youth he was, may well have evoked the desire on the part of his surviving family to give him an extraordinary tomb. What were their instructions to the painters? As I have emphasized, they did not dictate the precise imagery of an Orphic cult or Pythagorean brotherhood, except to the extent that the notions promoted by these groups had permeated the popular imagination of the day. Perhaps their instructions to the painters were no more than a generalized request for scenes of departure and cheer. The paintings of the Tomb of the Diver are testimony to how these artists, having to create imagery for the tomb, fulfilled their commission. The painters of the tomb, as Napoli was at pains to stress, were hardly vase painters called upon to become mural artists.106Theirs was an active mural painters' workshop that showed its capabilities especially in the heads of the symposiasts of the north wall and in their reformulation of the diving scene from a genre motif into an arrestingly symbolic design. That they based their solutions for their unusual commission on vase paintings imported to southern Italy from Athens is hardly a mark against them. That the commission was executed with a certain haste only reflects the way in which much funeral art is created. One might wish that some sample of their work in the city were preserved. 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