Otherworlds, Alchemy, Pythagoras and Jung: Symbols if Transformation in Parzival

Otherworlds, Alchemy, Pythagoras, and Jung: COMNE LL. M : 203 <— Introduction a wor VON ESCHENBACH’S PARZIVAL, composed in the first Symbols of Transformation in Parzival Winder McConnell At the Limits of Chivalry in Wolfram's Parzival: An Arthurian Perspective decade of the thirteenth century, was the most popular vernacular Will Hasty verse narrative in medieval Germany and one of the most vibrant of the , i 7 The Modern Reception of Wolfram’s Parzival Wolfram, Wagner, and the Germans High Middle Ages. Parzival expands and transforms the Arthurian tra- 2” dition as it existed in the wars of predecessors such as Chrétien de 245 Troyes and Hartmann von Aue into a grand depiction of the medieval Ulrich Miiller cosmos around the year 1200, a depiction that demonstrates detailed knowledge of astronomy, natural sciences, medicine, geography, theol- Works Cited | 259 ogy, and philosophy. The brilliance, boldness, and astonishing origi- 279 nality of Parzival, along with the allure of its forceful but elusive Notes on Contributors author, contributed to the ongoing popularity of Wolfram well into the 281 fifteenth century, when Wolfram’s works were first published by Jo- Index hann Mentelin in Strasbourg (1477), and to the ongoing, fascination Parzival has conunued to exert on modern readers since the rediscovery of Wolfram’s works in the cighteenth century. At the close of the twentieth century, Wolfram continues to be held in the highest regard. He has been considered Germany’s greatest poct (Bertau 9) and his Im. A CONYARDNISOA TO Parzival is included in Harold Bloom’s Western Canon alongside the works of Virgil and Dante (500). N DIR. sus PRRZANAL Despite the regard in which Wolfram was held in the Middle Ages, there is no extra-literary reference to his life. Although this is the rule rather than the exception with the authors of epic narratives in Ger- | many (Bumke 1991,1), it is unfortunate that Wolfram's works, which reveal so much of the medieval cosmos, yield so little clear information about the life of their author. Only the vaguest of outlines about Wolf ram’s life can be conjectured on the basis of these works. References to contemporary events such as the military conflict berween Philip of Swabia and Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia in 1203 (Parzival, verses 379,18-20) and the coronation of emperor Otto IV in 1209 (mentioned in Willehalm, verses 393,30-394,5), along with the death of Wolfram’s possible patron Landgrave Hermann of Thuringia in 1217, suggest a period of literary productivity falling in the first two decades

MCONELLWINDER tCnGcrhsWtAawdmp“uiohrednselhmf-pardtrsChoob-fmvaiemalwcoct.ur,emvynhLlo-td.avc,pef-uimnhtJarlbdocgepcWutsliaof,awdAn“ehnpetmislWoglxrgsnia,betiom’vpn,ielhfwasudG,oeitfnn”lswgerJuGgowayije,dbohr.wTt”WPoumrsaaPBeyihhflutesgay’CiobhripPeedmc.snzftoahacemsi“r,lTn(osWhuavmAziceFhfSwhstwOagvoe’sanoiedliclvrbRfstraergtimeuKh,ogrystlnhavce,tfeiaopBarndhnige(owyst“eeMaSAnPt5cwpdsrohvrTasIq”l0e.aesicnrtfGudoh,lvgeistcat)Nu.rAfoW,ihltIdbchnszuiaeaeitFop,AnParIt(crnleSo:AimtpdhusrentCH,acovhiwlhromznfAcsrthoeaeSsWiNdpgihcofrßrnttkmvTseahuwlbcaduonsthpegiydrahlHbssSxyhcetrnal,oIpgosiadbEytwt.hmG!e’rmulnih)nSsHey-mtydcxeorsktLToihbhv)mdpcbsya,nrPYfeweihpetancoSeohairmdAbtrpkOniyuvlozlaahaNAeGsinpki,tgygcircowhisDdsvnfaehlcmhBatrei’lvLnwapolTtidefseukclJLpIct,rtndwoejuBhhMusipsyaveulrkoacEcswmnrgionletavdv,LonrsenhgbuYGdeaHlctnmospkreaWi:oHothtnslbdirgeppaIoyrwcmltwsSmairoedeuvnH,giIosffuerodchnreTnsmilsnpahmtuugcpdovnldt;’pabdtahhsrem”yo,ndt.l,sa languages. whicharealmostblank,thereisasectionwiththeheadingIncipitvita gcvaa(tr2khnpiihoe0n1nsrl2avpd2eidsy6I,owe.Vptm5fnbreibe-cBtoahdnoyt1ertoniaaw3otverknam2hNs’inte1ro.yaoushda,tn)rtoibsunaRl,phvtieu2dEhfgah9rsAtnoe:)mDhoti.saIefhmdlenN“tisxleDsGcIdophsa,eginirrmaWtcdastibRdnielhcIlanwnoeTtcntfIkcrygioelusNb,otadrfyeGIaohmcnl,,efysWabrtcAikaoGuohbtcwnsNmnlionedfDrkydilonftra,,tiLkhoacehEyfmbstrAanu’,hyvtswRaateohlNcsltiI,omcgbhnarNdoeogaicGsnttmkgeruclhiIoe,wldnNsreavthwapWTydeivlsonoHmiid,tlcannEhrtfsognaPehfrlibnAawmtcfaoitclR,heuomrfaioyZisetcrhIkmaaimnVtlasebnmuAh,ynadosLenhpdtnbgiaeioDtkrsfyaeunacstyoirlegasn,ditln”mtbsrGafeepDi(.laroaeRffmgdnnsrnlueidltyrfxsntaiede-tosy,

“visionary” works of art, based on “primordial experiences” that “rend from top to bottom the curtain upon which is painted the picture of an ordered world, and allow a glimpse into the unfathomable abyss of the unborn and of things yet to be” (Jung 1972,90-91). Part of what might be called the hero’s maturation process, in terms of analytical psychology his “process of individuation,” is the passage through uncivilized (here: uncourtly) geography with which he is unfamiliar and which presents him with formidable obstacles to his further development. These may take the form of external adversaries such as knightly opponents, as well as life-threatening encounters with beasts of prey, giants, dragons, and other mythological creatures, but they may also consist of internal demons, repressed or denied clements of the hero’s own psyche which need to be recognized, combatted, and defeated before the hero can proceed on his ultimate journey. Overcoming them is part of the archetypal quest faced by the hero, The geographical setting for such encounters is normally far removed from the (Arthurian) court: traditionally, the forest, an enchanted castle, or an island (often at the periphery of the then known world). Wolfram’s Parzival abounds in such “otherworldly” landscapes. The entry into or sojourn of the hero in the physical otherworld corresponds to a psychic transformation of great significance for his process of individuation. It is important to understand from the outset what is meant by the concept of the otherworld with respect to Parzival. One could argue that, in the medieval imagination at least, the entire Arthurian world constituted something of an “otherworld,” a mythical or semi-mythical realm unfettered by cither historical time or place, a stark contrast to the reality of the time. Unlike works such as Herzog Ernst, Kudrun, and the Nibelungenlied, the major otherworldly landscapes in Parzival are not “located” in distant lands, far apart from the primary area of events. Prudence must be exercised with regard to the term “located,” as otherworlds, whether of a benevolent or of a malevolent nature, are rarely phenomena which can be geographically “fixed.” Within the romances themselves, Arthur’s world, or court, appears to be consistently on the move, setting it apart from places such as Graharz and Pelrapeire, and according it a certain affinity to Schastel Marveile or Munsalvaesche. All of these “otherworlds” are, above all, places of formation or transformation of the hero, where the given expectations and patterns of the rest of courtly society cither do not exist, have been suspended, destroyed, or, as in the case of Arthur’s court, are clevated (sometimes unjustifiably) to utopian levels. The otherworld may thus — which is be inherently positive in nature, a veritable locus amoenus not to suggest, however, that it is entirely unproblematical — or it may 205 WINDER MCCONNELL be the antithesis of the latter, a haven for every conceivable force that stands in an adversarial relationship to the court. Above all, the otherworld should be seen as representing something far removed from “normalcy” as understood by both the protagonist and his medieval audience. My own thoughts on the matter of the otherworld and its importance in Parzival as well as other works of medieval literature owe much to the work of C. G. Jung, Mircea Eliade, and Ernst Dick, whose article “ Katabasis and the Grail Epic: Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival” (1978), remains an indispensable resource for scholars concerned with this topos in Parzival. The current study differs from Dick’s focus in that I am less concerned with the topography of the journeys to the otherworld than with the make-up and (symbolic) nature of otherworldly realms per se, in particular as the latter pertain to what I believe was Wolfram’s extensive knowledge of alchemy and numerology. The realistic and the fantastic commingle in Wolfram’s Parzival, especially with respect to the movement of the two major protagonists, Parzival and Gawan, between the courtly world and the non-courtly sphere. Even when places do not appear to have any equivalent in historical geography — such as the kingdom of Zazamanc and the town of Patelamunt in the first of the two Gahmuret Books — a realistic description of events which transpire there is provided by Wolfram, who appears cager to delight his readers with the exotic nature of its inhabitants. Yet, the common denominator, knighthood, links such unfamiliar “otherworlds” as Baghdad, Patelamunt, and Zazamanc with European knightly culture: “Knighthood . .. is practiced everywhere, and by stressing that point the hero pays high tribute to his own cherished social class” (Mustard/Passage trans., xlv-xlvi). Among the Moors of Baghdad, Gahmuret appears as much at home as he would have been among his fellow Angevins, and his subsequent offer of service to Bclacanc is quite in keeping with the dictates of feudal society in western Europe. Even the forest of Azagouc, in which Belacane’s suitor, Isenhart, together with his challenger from Patclamunt, Prothizilas, meets his death, is described in the most succinct and matter-of-fact manner: “dä gröz schade in niht vermeit. / zem förest in Azagouc” (27,28-29= “in the forest of Azagouc he found no mock death” [Mustard/Passage trans.]). There is nothing here of the image of the forest as one of those geographical locations “on the extreme fringes of society,” in contrast to the “organized world” (Le Goff 1988, 56 and 58). Patelamunt is also clearly a place where East and West, more precisely, Christian and Moor, come together in a symbolic way. Apart from the subsequent liaison between Gahmuret and Bela-

cane, the issue of whose union is the bi-racial Feirefiz, Belacanc’s dead suitor, Isenhart, is the son of the maternal uncle of the king of Scots. This is, perhaps, to be viewed as indicative of Wolfram’s relatively high level of tolerance towards the “other” (Bertau 241-258) — it may also be indicative of his constant endeavor to integrate Opposites — and Belacane’s court is certainly the equivalent of anything to be found in the West. While I have concentrated in the following on the forest of Soltane (which may be considered by some as less in keeping with the epithet “otherworldly”), Munsalvaesche, and Schastel Marveile, these are by no means the only landscapes with otherworldly features in Parzival. Ernst Dick has already demonstrated those properties for Trevrizent’s realm as it appears to us in the ninth Book, and much could be said in this WINDER MCCONNELL 207 Uninitiated into the ways of the court and its decorum, but quite at home in the ways of nature and himself the apogee of natural spontaneity, Parzival becomes the conveyor of chaos in the world outside the forest. His is a state of less than benign ignorance. Herzeloyde’s actions in the forest appear to go beyond “protecting” her child from knighthood. Although it might be assumed that her association of the birds’ singing with her son’s unhappiness causes her to order her retainers to capture and kill the culprits (119,24), there is the enigmatic statement by the narrator to the effect that she does not seem to understand precisely why she is directing her hatred against the birds: “sine wesse um waz” (118,30= “without quite knowing why”). As her subsequent comment to Parzival demonstrates (“wes wende ich sin gebôt, / der doch ist der hochste got?” [119,13-14= “Why should I alter His comregard concerning various other terrains in the work with their waterfalls, rivers, ravines, enchanted gardens, caves, and forests. A systematic investigation of all the otherworldly landscapes in Parzival remains a comprehend that her behavior represents a transgression against the most worthwhile desideratum. ognizes that her instructions to have the birds killed are ill-conceived. Herzeloyde’s decision to retire to the clearing in the forest of Soltane is motivated by her intent to remove Parzival as much as possible from the milieu of the knight. It has been discussed at length by previous scholars and need not be dealt with again here. We are more concerned with the alienation of Herzeloyde herself from courtly society and the nature of the locale to which she removes herself and her son (117,4-9). With the death of Gahmuret, Herzeloyde’s bond to courtly society is irrevocably destroyed. She will never return: “frou Herzcloyd / ir drier lande wart cin gast” (116,28-29= “Lady Herzediu riche loyde, the mighty, became a stranger to her three kingdoms”). Yet, in the context of this alienation, the narrator praises her sincerity, her lack of falsity: “der valsch sô gar an ir verswant, / ouge noch ôre in nie da vant” (117,1f.= “Falsity had so utterly vanished from her heart that neither eye nor ear could detect it”). The move to Soltanc is prompted, however, by the extreme, one might say absolute, sorrow that she perceives following the death of her husband. As the onc locale which represents the antithesis of courtly society, the forest may be secn, paradoxically, not as a place of foreboding, but rather of refuge: “si brähte dar durch flühtesal / des werden Gahmuretes kint” (117,14- 15= “And there, for refuge, she brought noble Gahmuret’s child”). The sojourn in Soltane comes at the conclusion of Herzcloyde’s life, whereas it represents the place where Parzival spends his first, formative years. It is a topsy-turvy world deliberately deprived, by Herzeloyde, of the essentials of courtly existence (see Schréder 1963,13). The forest bestows upon Parzival the status of an outsider (sce Stauffer 105). mandment Who is, after all, Supreme God?”]), Herzeloyde appears to natural and sacred order of things. It is intriguing that Herzeloyde recBut was not her decision to have Parzival removed to Soltane an equally questionable act that must be interpreted as a violation of the natural ordo? The Soltane episode is ultimately characterized by spiritual or psychological chaos, with Herzeloyde acting as both the confused — consider again 117,5: “ir was gelich naht unt der tac” (= “To her night and day were the same”) — and the confuser, as she provides Parzival with fragmentary information that predetermines his naive identification of the material and transitory (Karnahkarnanz and his vassals) with the transcendent and eternal (God). His “natural” development as a member of chivalrous society outside the otherworldly atmosphere of Soltane is impeded by a more primal “naturalness,” although the time spent by Parzival as a “country bumpkin” may also be viewed as a necessary prerequisite to his ascension to the grail throne (on the contradictions involved in the Soltane episode, see Schröder 1963, 15). Parzival receives information, regarding both the world and the nature of God, which is without a proper contextual basis and which must inevitably lead to confused behavior when he attempts to “re-enter” courtly society. At the same time, Soltanc is the place of Parzival’s first exposure to a mentor, in the person of his mother; but it is in a thoroughly unenlightened state that he leaves the forest, and one of the consequences of his having been raised there, without the benefit of courtly breeding, combined with his ignorance and youthful zeal (as well as his purely “natural” spontancity), is the chaos which subsequently erupts in the Arthurian world.

One final point may be made about the sojourn in Soltane which is of considerable relevance for the later psychic development of Parzival. His early years spent in Soltane are devoid of a masculine-feminine balance. The “quest” for the grail, with which he is most understandably and justifiably associated, is chronologically, at least, secondary to his subconscious quest for his father — who is, of course, totally missing, even in surrogate form, during the time he spends in Soltane — and later on to his desire, prominent after his marriage to Condwiramurs, to return to his mother (which may be seen to take on symbolic realization through his final return to the grail). In the case of the former, the initial surrogate father-figure is Arthur, but Gurnemanz, Anfortas, and Trevrizent also have contributions to make as “foster-fathers” to Parzival, with the first two providing secular, physical guidance or encouragement, the latter two being concerned with his spiritual wellbeing. It is, perhaps, no coincidence that these father-figures constitute a tetralogy. Wolfram, as we shall observe, makes copious use of the number four and multiples of four throughout his romance, undoubtedly because he was fully aware of the symbolic significance that the numeral represents and its consequent relevance for the major theme of his work. Paralleling them on the feminine side are the four most significant women in Parzival’s life: Herzeloyde, Condwiramurs, Sigune, and Cundric. Here, too, the tetralogy consists of two women who are primarily concerned with the secular world (Herzeloyde, despite her denial of Parzival’s innate knightly qualities, and Condwiramurs), and two who arc indispensable to his spiritual development (Sigune and Cundrie). When he departs Soltane, Parzival cuts himself off forever from his physical mother, who embodies aspects of both the Great Mother and the Terrible Mother (see Neumann and Jung 1989), but much of his time thereafter will also be spent attempting to re-establish the connection to the feminine. Underlying his movement through time and space in the period to follow (which often appears to be timeless) is a psychological striving for wholeness and unity, ultimately culminating in his accession to the grail kingship. Of the various otherworldly landscapes in Parzival, Munsalvacsche and Schastel Marveile constitute two of the most prominent and enigmatic. While Munsalvaesche, as the host castle of the grail, is most assuredly to be regarded as ultimately positive in nature, Schastel Marveile constitutes a negative pole that requires cither dissolution or re-integration into courtly society. Both worlds have overseers who are sexually incapacitated, both appear to lack any firm anchorage in a geographical sense, a state of disorder reigns within each sphere that also has an influence on the Arthurian world at large. That “disorder” can WINDER MCCONNELL 209 be traced in each instance to the sexual indiscretions or improprieties of the respective rulers of these domains: Anfortas and Clinschor. Munsalvaesche and Schastel Marveile have become wastelands, as the landscape around the former, in particular, underscores, yet both offer the heroes Parzival and Gawan the opportunity to restore harmony not only within the otherworlds themselves, but also within courtly society in general. Parzival departs from Condwiramurs and Pelrapeire ostensibly to sec how his mother is faring and to seck “Aventure” for the sake of his wife (223,17-25). Herzeloyde is dead, however, and so Parzival’s search for his mother takes on a metaphysical hew. Now ruler of Brobarz and savior/defender of the people of Pelrapcire, his attention turns from the assertion of his masculinity to the cultivation of his feminine side. This will prove more arduous in the long run than his development as a warrior and knight, which came to him quite naturally, after some refining by Gurnemanz. The path that he takes now is one he must take alone (“von allen sinen mannen / schiet er al cine dannen” [223,29-30= “From all his vassals he then took his leave and rode away alonc”]), and it is one with which he is completely unfamiliar, as the lack of guidance he provides his mount underscores: “mit gewalt den zoum daz ros / truog über ronen und durchez mos: / wandez wiste niemens hant” (224,19-21= “The horse pulled the dragging reins over fallen trees and through marshy land, for no one’s hand guided it”). While the experiences of Parzival in Pelrapeire and his marriage to Condwiramurs may appear, on the surface, to have provided him with a central axis, he is, in essence, quite lost, a novice on the path of individuation. Parzival gives himself over to being guided, and enters a realm which no longer adheres to the norms of time and space: uns tuot diu âventiure bekant daz er bi dem tage reit, ein vogel hetes arbeit, solt erz allez han erflogen. (224,22-25) (The story tells us that on that day he rode so far that a bird could only with difficulty have flown all that way.) This move from Brobarz to the area of Munsalvaesche effectively transports Parzival from the anchor of a court, replete with obligations incumbent upon him as a ruler and husband to Condwiramurs, to the ethereal regions of the grail otherworld. As Emma Jung and Maric- Louise von Franz have stated: “... it seems legitimate to treat the whole episode as a dream or as a descent into the collective unconscious” (Jung/von Franz 69). While Parzival may have left Condwir-

WINDER MCCONNELL 211 amurs to search out his mother, it is not she, at least not in person, (229,28), and a hundred blankets adorn them (229,30), with a carpet whom he finds in this part of the romance, but rather father-figures, (a total of one hundred) before cach couch (230,2). They can accomwho are, in fact, related to him through his mother: Anfortas, his uncle, modate four knights apicce (230,1), making a total of four hundred and Frimutel, his grandfather. The grail world is imbued with diverse and rich forms of symbolism, and permitting an association with the number of women captives referred to in Schastel Marveile. The number four is the number in the but those associated with the idea of wholeness/unity are particularly Middle Ages most often used to denote completeness or unity. Referstriking. Ernst Dick’s depiction of the realm of the grail as “a symbolic ring to the work of Ludwig Pancth, Cirlot observes that “Four, as a center” (Dick 71) is supported not only by the thematic “polarity of kind of double division (two and two), no longer significs separation life and death” (Dick 70) to be discerned there, but also by symbols of (like the number two) but the orderly arrangement of what is separate. wholeness and unity which abound in the description Wolfram provides Hence, it is a symbol of order in space and, by analogy, of every other of the area and its remarkable rituals, Similarly, Jung and von Franz well-ordered structure” (Cirlot 235). The Great Hall also contains underscore the significance of Anfortas’s world as a “projection of the three great fireplaces — three being symbolic of “spiritual synthesis . . . Self as an inner centre, extending far beyond the ego, which expresses the solution of the conflict posed by dualism” (Cirlot 232). wholeness and harmony and from which radiate healing, integrating In the grail procession, described in remarkable detail, the countess influences” (333). When Parzival first encounters the grail king on the of Tenabroc and her companion, along with an unnamed duchess and lake, Anfortas is wearing a remarkable hat: “sin huot was pfäwin” her companion, appear to form a natural grouping of four: “die nigen (225,12= “His hat was trimmed with peacock feathers”), Peacock alle viere .../ und wären alle wol gevar. / den vieren was gelich ir feathers, specifically, the multi-colored spectrum which they present wat” (233,5-ll= “They bowed, all four... all four dressed alike and when unfolded, are a symbolic manifestation of completeness: “The fair to see”). Furthermore, the accent is on four and two in the depeacock’s tail, in particular, appears in the eighty-fourth emblem of the scription of the ladies who follow them: “nú seht wa sich niht versùmet Ars Symbolica of Bosch as a symbol for the blending together of all colhat / ander frouwen vierstunt zwuo” (233,12f= ours and for the idea of totality” (Cirlot 251). Anfortas is not the only quickly they have been joined by more ladies, four times two”). Four of “But look how one in Parzival whose hat is adorned with peacock feathers. Cundric them are carrying candles (233,15), while the second group of four carsports the latest fashion from London when she arrives at Arthur’s ries a brilliant hyacinth (233,17ff.). All eight women bow graciously to court to admonish Parzival and the Round Table: “von Lunders cin their host, following which the narrator again comments on the activity pfæwin huot, / gefurriert mit cinem blialt / (der huot was niwe, diu of four of them who then rejoin the other quartet: snuor niht alt)” (313,10-12= “A hat from London, trimmed with peaviere die taveln legren cock plumes and lined with cloth of gold — the hat was new and the of helfenbein wiz als cin sné, tie ribbon was not old”). When Gawan encounters King Gramoflanz in stollen die da komen è. the twelfth Book, the latter is also wearing a hat of peacock feathers: Mit zuht si kunden wider gén, “phewin von Sinzester / ein huot úf sime houbte was” (605,8-9= zuo den érsten vieren sten. (233,28-234,2) “The hat on his head was of peacock plumes from Sinzester”). Similar images of totality abound throughout Wolfram’s tale. This color symbolism is complemented by number symbolism: the grail castle is separated from the rest of mankind by a circumference of thirty miles (225,20-21), i.c., 3 x 10, both integers underscoring, unity and the divine. This number is repeated in 231,25 to describe the number of lands which could not have produced as many tears as those wept by the grail company when the lance is carried into the Great Hall by a squire. It is especially in the Great Hall of Munsalvaesche that such number symbolism is in evidence: a hundred (10 x 10) chandeliers are alight with candles (229,24), a hundred couches have been set up (Four laid the table top on the snow-white ivory of the stools placed there before, and stepped back decorously to stand with the first four.) They are followed by four maidens holding candles (234,28), and after them there approach two princesses, the daughters of foreign counts, who carry two magnificent knives (234,16ff.). The procession is rounded out by six more ladies (235,8) and finally by Repanse de Schoye who enters the hall carrying the grail (235,25f.). She assumes a position between two flanking groups of twelve ladies apiece. The grail procession is thus described in precise mathematical terms, whereby four, or multiples of four, are predominant. The entire ritual is domi-

WINDER MCCONNELL nated by the feminine element. À more passive role is assumed by the The preponderance of the number four (and its derivatives) as well as the number one hundred (and derivatives) cannot help but remind knights in attendance, but here once again the number four — or derivatives thereof — are strikingly present. We are told that for every four knights there is a steward and a page carrying a white towel (236,25ff.), that one hundred tables are brought into the hall at cach of which four knights can sit (237,1-4), that there are four squires assigned to cach table (237,14) — two to sit and carve the meal, two to bring food and drink to the knights — that four carts bring vessels of gold to every knight present (237,22ff.), and that four knights are delegated, in each case, to place vessels upon each of the (one hundred) tables (237,26f.), and that there is one clerk for each knight engaged in 213 us of Pythagorean mathematics and the significance of the former as representing “the extended universe” and with the square root of the latter, the decad, “which exhausts the possibilities of physical extension . .. equivalent to perfection” (Heninger 84). Morcover, “... we have a notion of cosmos conceived as a derivative of the number 4, and the physical universe is described as an organism composed of four elements” (Heninger 79). Wolfram’s use of numbers is clearly sophisticated (note the intricacy of the design techniques elucidated by Hart in his article) and harks back, I suspect, to Pythagorean principles on the task (237,28). Finally, one hundred squires present bread to those numbers, specifically, “the belief that numbers are the ultimate conseated at the tables (238,3f.). In addition, the bleeding spear that had stituents of reality” (Heninger 71). Moreover, “[t]he contemplation of carlier been carried into the Great Hall by a squire is drawn around the numbers provides a means of rising from the temporal world to particifour walls (231,27ff.). All of this acquires yet greater significance when pation in the divine, the ulterior motive for study in Pythagoras’s one considers how the numbers four and ten are symbolically linked: Ten: Symbolic, in decimal systems, of the return to unity. In the Terractys (whose triangle of points — four, three, two, one — adds up to ten) it is related to four. Symbolic also of spiritual achievement, as well school” (Heninger 76). Extremely important for our evaluation of the significance of numbers in Parzival is Heninger’s comment: “While [Pythagorean metaphysics] posits a dualism, a world of forms and a world of matter, it nonetheless effectively interrelates them .... Numas of unity in its function as an even (or ambivalent) number or as the bers have existence in both worlds, embrace both worlds, allow interbeginning of a new, multiple series. According to some theories, ten action between both worlds” (77-78). Wolfram’s particular fascination symbolizes the totality of the universe — both metaphysical and matethroughout his romance with the number four (and its cognates and rial — since it raises all things to unity. From ancient oriental thought derivatives) can be understood against the backdrop of its Pythagorean through the Pythagorean school and right up to St. Jerome, it was significance (see Heninger 79). known as the number of perfection. (Cirlot 234; see also Heninger 84) Wolfram deviates from his predecessor Chrétien when he describes Against this backdrop, the preponderance of the numbers four and one the grail itself as a stone instead of a vessel (as is also the case in the Chronicle of Helinandus [1204], while Heinrich von dem Türlin dehundred (i.c., 10 x 10) in the descriptions of the grail castle and scribes it as a reliquary casket in his Kréne [composed around 1215- Schastel Marveile is hardly coincidental. With the ritual bearing of the 1220]). This, however, only becomes clear later in Trevrizent’s spiritual lance around the Great Hall, the reader is presented with the symbolimentoring of Parzival: cally weighty image of a circle being described within a square, assumsi lebent von einem steine: ing, of course, that the squire does not stop at cach corner to effect a des geslähte ist vil reine. 90° turn. This might be seen as the converse of the age-old problem of hät ir des niht erkennet, squaring the circle, something which had fascinated geometricians from der wirt iu hie genennet. carlicst times and which had also occupied Pythagoras and his follower heizet lapsit exillis. (469,3-7) ers. Here, however, the square is circularized, which “becomes an effort (They live from a stone of purest kind. If you do not know it, it shall here be named to you. It is called lapsit exillis.) to make continuous what is discontinuous, an effort to raise the physical to the level of perfection” (Heninger 114). This symbolic transformation of the physical to the transcendental is further bolstered by the possibility that the bleeding lance carried by the squire was regarded as analogous to the lance of Longinus, believed found by crusaders during the siege of Antioch in 1098 (Jung/von Franz 87). The fifteenth-century Rosarium philosophorum refers to verses ostensibly to be attributed to Arnold of Villanova who is believed to have died about 1312: “Hic lapis exilis extat precio quoque vilis / Spernitur a stultis, amatur plus ab edoctis” (Jung/von Franz 149= “This insignifi-

WINDER MCCONNELL 215 cant stone is indeed of trifling value; It is despised by fools, the more has to the world outside. What he learns about Munsalvaesche and cherished by the wise”; sec also Jung, Psychology and Alchemy 180, note Anfortas is gained from sources outside the immediate grail boundaries 125). Wolfram and Arnold appear to have shared similar astrological (although Cundrie clearly has a connection to Munsalvaesche in her and alchemical ideas that were current during the High Middle Ages. capacity as intermediary between the grail castle, the Arthurian court, While the grail is also portrayed in other strands of the tradition as a and Schastel Marveile) and it is knowledge which is indispensable to vessel (or as a goblet, as in the film, Indiana Jones and the Last Cruhim if he is to return to Munsalvaesche. sade), it is noteworthy that Wolfram chose to depict it as a stone, thus Gawan’s adventures have, perhaps understandably, been eclipsed in making the link to alchemy and to alchemical symbolism that also scholarship by the attention accorded Parzival and his maturation procabounds in the description of Gawan’s adventures in the description of css from naive youth to king of the grail (sec, for example, Dick 74). Schastel Marveile all the more compelling, Gawan never faces, of course, the spiritual vacuum encountered by his It might be suggested that Parzival’s trip to Munsalvaesche is comcousin, nor has he any integral role to play in the grail quest. Yet he parable to the xarddaoıg experienced by Aeneas in the Sixth Book of does, through his successes at Schastel Marveile, complement the role Virgil’s poem, or that of Heracles, Odysseus, and Orpheus to the Unplayed by Parzival at Munsalvaesche in the restoration of harmony and derworld. In a sense, Munsalvaesche embodies aspects of the land of the (re-)affirmation of the universal principle of unity and wholeness the dead, as the sexual wound endured by Anfortas symbolizes an end even if, as Dick correctly points out, the “universal aspect of Clinschor’s to all productivity while the grail king languishes in a state of limbo magic power (658,26-30) is obviously not being transferred to [him]” awaiting the arrival of the savior who will restore life and vitality to the (74). realm. Despite the display of obvious glamour that characterizes the Schastel Marveile has all of the outer trappings of an otherworldly grail procession, the castle itself is located in a veritable wasteland. realm: to reach it, Gawan has to pass through a great forest and be ferried across a river (after having defeated Lischoys Gwelljus). From the There is, however, a major difference to be noted between Parzival's sojourn at Munsalvaesche and the journey to the World of Shades unferryman he learns that the entire surrounding land is one of wondrous dertaken by his illustrious classical forebears. Parzival remains but an adventure: observer, he does not return to the world outside the grail castle encz ist iu lihte unbekant: lightened and in a position to assist in its improvement. Given his gar âventiure ist al diz lant: “negligence” in not asking the question of Anfortas, Parzival actually sus wert ez naht und ouch den tac. (548,9-11) creates further suffering at Munsalvaesche and brings disgrace upon both himself and the Arthurian court. The xara@6aotc of Parzival is to be understood more in terms of a disjointed “landscape of the mind,” and it begins after he has left Munsalvaesche and culminates in his denial of God subsequent to the invective to which he is subjected from Cundrie at the court of Arthur. He docs not emerge from his self-made psychological wasteland until long after his meeting with Trevrizent in Book IX. In contrast to otherworldly journeys such as that of Aeneas to the Underworld to consult with his dead father Anchises, or that of Gilgamesh to his ancestor Utnapishtim for the sake of gathering information, Parzival, it should be remembered, docs not consciously participate in any quest at this time. He “stumbles” upon the grail realm, and although it is the grail which predetermines the role Parzival is eventually to assume, he himself has, as yet, no awareness of the significance of these surroundings. In contradistinction to the classical questers, Parzival learns virtually nothing at Munsalvaesche, cither with respect to the functioning of the grail or the relationship that the grail society (It is perhaps unknown to you that this whole country here is a land of fantastic adventure.) Intriguingly, however, this is not a place where questions about the wondrous castle and the ladies who can be seen therein are welcomed, as the ferryman’s daughter, Bene, makes abundantly clear to Gawan: “do erschrac daz juncfreuwelin,/ si sprach ‘her, nu vragt es niht: / .., / lätz iu von mir niht sware, / und vraget ander mare”” (555,2-3; 7-8= “The girl started with alarm. ‘Sir, do not ask! ... Do not be offended at me. Ask me something elsc””). Her reaction is duplicated by her father, Plippalinot, when Gawan pursues his inquiry: “der wirt want sine hende: / dé sprach er: ‘vragets niht durch got: / her, da ist nôt ob aller nov” (556,14-16= “The host wrung his hands. ‘For God's sake! do not ask!” he said. ‘Sir, there is misery beyond misery!’”). It is the ferryman who initially provides the designations of the land (“Terre Marveile,” 557,6), the castle (“Schastel Marveile,” 557,9), and the remarkable bed to be found inside (“Lit Marveile,” 557,7). He serves

WINDER MCCONNELL as both narrator to the reader and guide to Gawan with his detailed rechapter “The Lapis-Christ Parallel” in Jung’s Psychology and Alchemy port of the circumstances prevailing at Schastel Marveile. This is also 345-431). 216 217 the juncture at which the paths of Parzival and Gawan cross, the grail The “tests” to which Gawan is subjected in Schastel Marveile have king designate having ridden through on the previous day, but without direct links to alchemy. In one of the chambers adjacent to the Great Hall, Gawan encounters the Lit Marveile (566,14), which deftly moves out of his way with every step he takes. Whether one views the Lit any knowledge of the presence of Schastel Marveile (559,9ff.)! Plippalinot functions as sometime gatekeeper to the otherworld, an initiate who is quite familiar with the castle and its surroundings, but whose Marveile as a test designed to determine Gawan’s ability to “ride one’s very knowledge of the place precludes his willingness to impart that own unconscious, desirous impulsiveness” (Sussman 154) or simply as information to anyone other than the most resolute knight. As such, he serves as a mentor to Gawan prior to the latter’s adventure in Schastel evidence of Clinschor’s skill in combining “magic and technology” to produce, in conjunction with the remarkably smooth floor on which it Marveile, a notable contrast to the situation that prevailed with Parzival stands, a “masterpiece[] of construction” (Maksymiuk 111), it is imin Book V when the latter entered the grail world in a state of complete possible to conceive of the bed as lacking symbolic significance. The marvelous bed and the lion — which Gawan will also subsequently enunpreparedness. Having left his horse with the tradesman before the entrance to the gage in combat — are linked in legend and alchemy (see Jung/von Castle of Wonders, Gawan proceeds toward the Great Hall, the roof of Franz 391), both of them possibly representing unbridled passion that which is described as follows: “dò Gawan den palas sach, / dem was needs to be tamed for the sake of balance and harmony. We note, howalumbe sin dach / rehte als pfawin gevider gar” (565,7-10= “when Gawan saw the great hall, its roof was just like peacocks’ plumes”), ever, that the bed, in its effort to dislodge Gawan, who has jumped onto it and landed in the middle, systematically, and at a terrible speed which reminds the reader of the description of Anfortas’s hat in that is coupled with incredible force and resonance, slams against all 225,12. Moreover, the brilliance of the roof appears to be of a permafour walls of the chamber, behavior that is analogous to the “bucking bronco” of the modern-day rodeo. Gawan attempts to “tame” the bed nent nature as “weder regen noch der sné / entet des daches blicke liance at all”). Prior to entering Schastel Marveile, Gawan has thus been in what is described as a series of jousts (“sus rcit er manegen poynder gröz” [567,19= “In this fashion he rode the bed to joust after joust”]), confronted with a symbol of renewal and unity: “The peacock is an old but ultimately places all of his faith and trust in God’s hands: we” (565,11-12= “ncither rain nor snow could damage the roof’s brilemblem of rebirth and resurrection, quite frequently found on Chris- Er lac, unde liez es walten tian sarcophagi” (Jung, Archetypes 375-376). There is thus an carly den der helfe hät behalten symbolic link to be noted between Schastel Marveile and the properties und den der helfe nie verdröz, of the grail at Munsalvaesche. This connection may be much more sigswer in sinem kumber gröz nificant than has hitherto been perceived. Let us return for a moment helfe an in versuochen kan. (568,1-5) to the term — “lapsit exillis” (469,7) — used by Trevrizent to describe the grail in Book IX. While the corrupt Latin form “lapsit exillis” has given rise to much speculation as to its ultimate meaning (Mustard/Passage trans., 251, fn. 11; Jung/von Franz 142-160; Jung, Psychology and Alchemy 180, fn. 125), there may be a compelling reason to assume that Wolfram most likely meant “lapis” when he wrote “lapsit.” Jung has referred to the role played by the peacock as “an ancient Christian symbol of resurrection” and in alchemy as a “symbol of renewal and resurrection, and more especially as a synonym for the lapis... , The exquisite display of colours in the peacock’s fan heralds the imminent synthesis of all qualities and clements, which are united in the ‘rotundity’ of the philosophical stone” (1977, 290; sec also the (He lay there and let Him take charge of it Who has help to bestow, and Who never failed to grant help to one who in great need secks help from Him.) In stark contrast to Parzival — and in defiance of the advice given by the latter to put his faith in women when going into battle (332,9f£.) — Gawan turns without hesitation to God when in dire peril. The reaction (or response) is immediate, and the bed, which appears to be multi-colored like the roof of the Great Hall (see 568,18), comes to a complete rest in the center of the floor, with Gawan still in the middle of it. We have in this image of the center another symbol of the movement “from the exterior to the interior, from form to con-

WINDER MCCONNELL templation, from multiplicity to unity, from space to spacelessness, from time to timelessness...” (Cirlot 40), of recovery from his wounds. This pillar was brought by Clinschor to 218 When Gawan is assailed by gravel stones and arrows — some of which do manage to penetrate his shield and armor wounding, him — these missiles may also be regarded as symbolic of unbridled passion (see Jung/von Franz 233), something which Gawan must overcome if he is to find a reliable center. The arrows, in particular, are reminiscent of the tela passionis associated with Mercury with which he is purported to have pierced Adam (sce Jung, Psychology and Alchemy 256, fig. 131): “In the alchemical hicrarchy of gods Mercurius comes lowest as prima materia and highest as lapis philosophorum” (Jung, Psychology and Alchemy 66-67). Viewed from a symbolic/psychological perspective then, Gawan’s trials at Schastel Marveile have as much to do with effecting a spiritual transformation within his psyche as they do with his breaking the spell of Clinschor’s castle and freeing its female and male captives. Again, on this plane, Gawan’s subconscious search for a center and for totality demonstrates a closer affinity between his “quest” and that of Parzival than we are normally inclined to admit. That Parzival’s function within the work is considered to be more important than that of Gawan is based on our own ideas of the significance of gradation in the Middle Ages, but there is no indication within the romance itself that Wolfram intended to emphasize a process ofgradation with respect to the paths taken by Parzival and Gawan, It should be remembered at this time that the amount of space devoted by Wolfram to Gawan in Parzival encompasses, in the aggregate, nearly the same number of verses that are accorded the title hero. In his fight against the lion, Gawan defends himself with acumen, slicing, off one of the beast’s legs while another is stuck fast in Gawan’s shield, and finally piercing the lion’s heart with his sword. The narrator’s comment on this reads: “Gawan het die gróze nôt / mit strite überwunden” (572,22-23= “Gawan had now fought and overcome the supreme danger”). Jung refers to the familiarity of later alchemists with “the slaying ... of a lion, which took the form of his having all four paws cut off” (Jung 1984,126), and, while the latter reference is to the alchemists of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Emma Jung and Marie-Louise von Franz clearly associate Gawan's confrontation 219 Schastel Marveile from the land of Feirefiz and is thoroughly magical in nature: “ez was geworht mit liste” (589,17= “it had been wrought by sorcery”). Gawan’s attention is drawn initially to the properties of the column, in which he is able to view — or so it appears to him — all of the surrounding lands and the activities of various individuals. This speculum mundi requires an explanation, which Gawan requests from Queen Arnive. He learns from her that its major property is that of light: “... hérre, dirre stein / bi tage und alle nähte schein” (592,12= “Sir, this stone has cast its glow, by day and all the nights”). (Once again the reader is reminded of the prominence of light at Munsalvaesche, primarily exuding from the candles carried by the maidens but also from the radiance of Repanse de Schoye; in Chrétien's version, the light emanating, from the grail itself tends to outshine the light ofthe candles.) Within a radius of six miles it “records” all events, a veritable medieval surveillance system! Here, however, Gawan is distracted from Arnive’s account by the appearance in the column of riders and, following a brief explanation from Arnive as to their identity (Orgeluse and the Turkoite Florant), he rushes off to do combat with the knight. In Chrétien’s Perceval, the marvelous pillar, designed and constructed, along with the castle, by Merlin, was depicted as a tethering post, but only the most noble knight could tie up his horse there. The pillar may originally have had a structural function similar to that ofthe grail in the sense that only one individual was predestined to have full access to it. In Wolfram’s Parzival, on the other hand, Gawan is as dependent upon Arnive for a (limited) explanation of the column’s origins as Parzival is on Trevrizent for an exegesis of the grail, but this is broken off once Gawan becomes distracted by the appearance of Orgeluse and Florant, The reader is also deprived of any further elucidation of the significance of the column and is left to draw his own conclusions as to its ultimate role within the work. Stolen from Secundille, queen of India and wife of Feirefiz, the pillar thus originated (along with Cundrie and her brother Malcreatiure) in a land on the periphery of the world. Given its peculiar properties of “surveillance,” one Of all the wonders associated with Schastel Marveile, none is percould agree with Linda Sussman that “[t]he ‘seeing’ pillar in the Castle of Wonders extends Gawan’s powers of perception; in possession of it, he will, from now on, always have a much broader view than was possible in the past” (Sussman 166). The pillar, as a source and conveyor of historical, temporal knowledge, is complementary to the grail as a transmitter of spiritual, transcendental knowledge. haps as intriguing as the “clariu sal” (589,5= “shining pillar”) which the hero comes upon while on a “tour” of the castle following a night Wolfram is undoubtedly one of the most complex and one of the most crudite writers of his time, His rendition of Parzival is testimony with the lion, regarded as “an outbreak of animal greediness and overwhelming passion,” with alchemical concepts contemporary with Wolfram’s age (231).

WINDER MCCONNELL 221 not solely to the master storyteller, but also to his wide-ranging knowlsit Adämes zit / möhte im glichen sin getragen” [773,27-29= “and edge of contemporary physical and metaphysical phenomena. Nothing of significance in thirteenth-century Europe appears to have escaped without doubt so wise that no one since Adam’s time can be compared Wolfram’s attention and with each new reading, one detects yet an- Wolfram effectively substitutes Pythagoras for Solomon as the world’s other fascinating detail which contributes to our understanding of this wisest man, thereby casting the heathen philosopher as a spiritual to him”) has prompted Wilhelm Deinert to consider the possibility that most visionary of works. Many questions remain open. To what extent predecessor of the keepers of the grail (122-127). As well as the tenets was Wolfram involved with Catharism? What was his actual relationship to the community of alchemists? Was he, in fact, the skilled mathematiof medieval alchemy, Wolfram has presented in Parzival a metaphor for the synthesis of opposites, a vision of the ultimate unity of the secular cal designer that Thomas Hart suggests? Perhaps our best approach to and the transcendental. While we are inclined to speak in terms of Wolfram von Eschenbach and, in particular, his Parzival, should be “gradation” with regard to the courtly world (as represented by Gaguided by an avoidance of any tendency to underestimate the artist’s wan) and the grail World (Parzival), the consistent link that is maininterest in and comprehension of what might nowadays be considered tained between both should always be kept in mind (Munsalvaesche’s providing warrior-rulers to lands in need of leadership and its sending out of maidens to suitable mates; the grail’s “calling” of knights from merely the “esoteric.” Commenting on Goethe’s (and perhaps the world’s) most famous drama, Carl Gustav Jung maintained that .. Faust is an alchemical drama from beginning to end, although the educated man of today has only the haziest notion of this. Our conthe courtly, Arthurian realm to its company, as well as its acceptance of qualified maidens [sec 494, 1ff.]). Above all, the final scenes in the romance graphically underscore Wolfram’s intent to portray an image of scious mind is far from understanding everything, but the unconscious wholeness and a resolution of binary tension. All worlds come together always keeps an eye on the “age-old, sacred things,” however strange in the festival organized by Gawan: Schastel Marveile, freed from its spell, the Arthurian court with its long-absent male and female figures re-integrated into society — underscored by the marriages of Itonje to they may be, and reminds us of them at a suitable opportunity. (Psychology and Alchemy 67) What Jung said of Faust can be paraphrased to fit the medieval work: “Parzival is an alchemical romance from beginning to end.” Once again, the words — and advice — of Karl Bertau in his introduction are especially appropriate: “Bci Wolfram geht keine Einzelheit verloren, jede spiegelt sich in schier unendlichen Variationen ihrer Wiederkehr. Wer etwas bloß so liest, ohne erwas bestimmtes wissen zu wollen, der braucht überhaupt nicht zu lesen und kann seine Zeit besser verwenden” (Bertau 12= “Wolfram does not lose track of a single detail. Each one is revisited, reflected in an infinite number of variations. Whoever rcads this without wanting to know something in particular does not need to be reading at all and can spend time better with something else”). Even long-term readers who have gained an appreciation for Wolfram’s multifaceted game-playing will readily admit that much remains to be uncovered among the 24,810 verses of Parzival. Wolfram is a master in the application of mathematical principles and numerical symbolism that evinces, as we have seen, familiarity with the theories of Pythagoras, to whom he refers in 773,25f. (“der wise Pictagoras, / der cin astronomierre was” [= “the wise Pictagoras, who was an astronomer”), and his statement that Pythagoras was the wisest man onc has seen since Adam’s time (“unt sò wise âne strit, / niemen Gramoflanz, Cundrie (Gawan’s sister) to Lischoys, and Sangive to Florant — the grail world, on the threshold of having its balance and harmony restored by a mature and enlightened Parzival, and the “peripheral” world of Feirefiz, assimilated through marriage into the grail realm. If one were to select a single phrase that might best describe the situation with regard to both Munsalvaesche and Schastel Marveile, as well as Arthur’s court, at the conclusion of Parzival, an appropriate choice would be “transformation through integration.” This phenomenon of transformation pertains not only to individuals such as Parzival and Fcirefiz, as well as Gawan, now more firmly “rooted” with his exorcising and acquisition of Clinschor’s kingdom and a wife in the person of Orgeluse. It also involves more than groups of people such as the female and male captives of Schastel Marveile, but rather encompasses entire societies. The “transformation” is from a fragmented, disjointed, disharmonious, binary existence to one characterized by balance, integration of the masculine and feminine elements, and restoration of harmony in both the individual and collective psyche. In the realization of this ideal, both Parzival and Gawan have pivotal roles to play. While the one is characterized more by the temporal, the other by the atemporal, the ultimate image imparted to the reader is less that of a superior existence contrasted with the mundaneness and unpredict-

ability of the everyday world than a mutual interdependence of all worlds set against the backdrop of the heroes’ processes of individuation. WILL HASTY At the Limits of Chivalry in Wolfram’s Parzival: An Arthurian Perspective 1 UTHORS OF THE FIRST ARTHURIAN ROMANCES SUCH as Chrétien e Troyes and his German successors Hartmann von Auc and Wolfram von Eschenbach participated in a complex convergence of oral and written narrative traditions and socio-cultural values and interests, during the period from the late cleventh to the carly thirteenth century, that generated what has come to be known as the Arthurian tradition. Perhaps the most significant early document of this convergence is the Historia regum Brittaniae (ca.1136) of Geoffrey of Monmouth. In this pscudo-history consisting of diverse historical and legendary elements, Geoffrey purports to relate the history of the British monarchy over a period of some two thousand years, from the fall of Troy to the death of the last British king in 542, at which time the Angles and Saxons began to reign in Britain. It is in Geoffrey’s Historia that we first find the figure of King Arthur connected to the courtly/chivalric way of life at medieval courts. Geoffrey tells us that Arthur developed a code of courtliness that inspired imitation in faraway kingdoms and that even men of noblest birth thought nothing ofthemselves unless they wore their arms and dressed in the same way as Arthur’s knights (222). After serious military challenges to its integrity have been overcome, Arthur’s courtly/chivalric order is depicted by Geoffrey in terms of its sophistication of taste and dress and in terms of a regulation of aggression in the relationship between the sexes that will have a much more prominent position in the later romances in the form of love service, what Wolfram will later call “ritterschaft nach minnen zilt” (Parzival, 115,20= “love through chivalric exploits”):

WOLFRAM, WAGNER, AND THE GERMANS In English there are the Parzival romances by Michael Moorcock (The War Hound and the World’s Pain |New York: Timescape Books 1981]), by Richard Monaco (Parsival or a Knight’s Tale [New York: Macmillan, 1977], The Grail War [New York: Pocket Books, 1979] The Final Quest [New York: Putnam, 1980], and Blood and frees [New York: Berkley, 1985] — crude retellings with explicit references to Wolfram!), and by Peter Vansittart (Parsifal. A Novel [London: Works Cited P. Owen, 1990]). One also thinks of the suggested, but not explicitly formulated Parzival structure in Bernard Malamud’s The Natural (New York: Harcourt & Brace 1952), and in 1989 there was a highly successful American adventure movie about a modern American Perceval = his grail-quest: Steven Spielberg’s Indiana Jones and the Last Cru- Editions and Translations of Wolfram’s Works sade. The stories of Arthur and Parzival have even been used to discuss recent issues in Eastern Europe such as glasnost and perestroika, The dramatist Christoph Hein, one of the leading East German writers, wrote a drama entitled Die Ritter der Tafelrunde (The Knights of the Round Table), for which he used the German Parzival tradition. i.c. Wolfram’s romance and, probably, Dorst/Ehler’s Merlin. Hein’s ná had its opening night in March 1989 at the “Staatschauspiel” of Dresden/GDR. The play depicts a senile group of knights, sitting at a damaged “Round Table” (at Camelot, of course, not in Berlin, Moscow, or Warsaw), lamenting their failures, the ruin of their politics, and the discontented young people. Among them is Parzival, a modest nonconformist, who is the publisher of a critical journal at Arthur’s court, The audience quickly realizes the modern political meanings behind the medieval conversations (¢.g., “Round Table”= “Politbiiro”). The director of the Dresden theater has been said to have experienced some difficulties because of the performance of this drama, and the publication of the text was delayed. Scen from today’s perspective, subsequent to the astonishing events in the two Germanys and in Eastern Europe Titurel and The Songs. Ed. Trans. Marion E. Gibbs and Sidney M. Johnson. New York: Garland, 1984. Willehalm. Trans. Marion E. Gibbs and Sidney M. Johnson. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984. Wolfram von Eschenbach. Ed. Albert Leitzmann. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek Vol.15: Willehalm Buch I bis V and Vol.16: Willebalm Buch VI bis IX; Titurel: Lieder. 5th revised edition by Albert Dienert. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1963. Wolfram von Eschenbach. Parzival. A Romance of the Middle Ages. Ed. Helen M. Mustard and Charles E. Passage. New York: Vintage Books, 1961. Wolfram von Eschenbach. Parzival. Ed. Karl Lachmann. 6th cd. Berlin/Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1926. Reprinted 1965. Wolfram von Eschenbach. Parzival. Trans. A. T. Hatto. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1980. since the fall of 1989, Hein’s drama seems to have been a prophetic Other Cited Editions and Translations piece of literature with respect to political developments, although it is also clear that Hein’s play is not merely related to specific political Altdeutsche Genesis. Ed. V. Dollmayr. Halle/S.: Niemeyer, 1932. problems, but — in a more general way — to collapsing social orders and the archetypal conflict between the generations, A common aspect of the dramas by Dorst/Ehler, Handke, and Hein, and of the novel by Muschg is that it is no longer the grail itself (which is said to have only little value or even not to exist at all) which is of supreme importance, but rather the quest. Here can be found the beginning of a new German Parzival tradition, adjacent to Wagner and contending with Wag, ner’s dominance. Aliscans, Kritischer Text. Ed. Erich Wienbeck, Wilhelm Hartnacke, and Paul Rasch. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1903. Andreas Capellanus. The Art of Courtly Love. Translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by John Jay Parry. New York: Norton, 1969. Boccaccio, Giovanni. Genealogy of the Gentile Gods. Quoted from: Medieval Literary Criticism. Translations and Interpretations. Ed. O. B. Hardison, Jr., Alex Preminger, Kevin Kerrane, and Leon Golden. New York: Ungar, 1985. 192-212.

Classen, Albrecht (1996). “Spiritual and Existential Meanings of the Word: Draesner, Ulrike (1993). Wege durch erzählte Welten. Intertextuelle Verweise als Mittel der Bedeutungskonstitution in Wolframs ‘Parzival”. Frankfurt Strategies and Functions of Reading in the Middle Ages. With Special Emphasis on Hartmann von Auc's Gregorius.” Seminar 32, 3: 221-239. Coleman, Janet (1981). Medieval Readers and Writers 1350-1400. New York: Columbia UP, 265 a.M.: Lang. Duby, Georges (1988). La société chevaleresque: Hommes et structures du Moyen Age I. Paris: Flammarion. Contamine, Philippe (1984). War in the Middle Ages. Trans. Michael Jones. Oxford: Blackwell. Cormeau, Christoph and Wilhelm Störmer (1985). Hartmann von Aue: Epoche, Werk, Wirkung. Munich: Beck. Duckworth, David (1980). The Influence of Biblical Terminology and Thought on Wolfram's ‘Parzival.’ Göppingen: Kimmerle. Duckworth, David (1987/88). “Herzeloyde and Antikonie, Some Aspects 41: 332-341. Compared.” German Life and Letters Couratin, A. H. (1969). “Liturgy.” Historical Theology. Ed. J. Daniélou, A. H. Couratin, and John Kent. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 131-240. Ebenbaucr, Alfred (1984). “Es gibt ain mörynne vil dick suss mynne: Belakanes Landsleute in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters.” Zf#4A 113: 16-42. Curtius, Ernst Robert (1990). European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Trans. Willard R. Trask. Afterword by Peter Godman. Princeton: Ehrismann, Gustav (1928). “Er heizet lapsit exillis, Parz. 469,7.” Zf4A 65: Princeton UP. 62-63. Elias, Norbert (1976). Uber den Prozef der Zivilisation. Soziogenetische und Czerwinski, Peter (1975). Die Schlacht- und Turnierdarstellungen in den deutschen höfischen Romanen des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts. Dissertation Freie Universität Berlin. Dahlgrün, Corinna (1991). Hoc fac ut vives (Lk 10, 28) — vor allen dingen minne got. Frankfurt/M.: Lang. Dallapiazza, Michael (1985). “Häßlichkeit und Individualität. Ansätze zur Überwindung der Idealität des Schönen in Wolframs von Eschenbach Parzival.” Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 59, 3: 400-421. Darrah, John (1981). The Real Camelot: Paganism and the Arthurian Romances. London: Thames. psychogenctische Untersuchungen. 2 vols. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp. Ernst, Ulrich (1985). “Kyot und Flegetanis in Wolfram's Parzival. Fiktionaler Fundbericht und jüdisch-arabischer Kulturhintergrund.” Wirkendes Wort 35: 176-195. Fleckenstein, Josef (1977). “Das Rittertum der Stauferzeit.” Die Zeit der Staufer. Geschichte- Kunst- Kultur. Ed. Reiner Hausherr. Katalog der Ausstellung. 4 vols. Stuttgart: Württembergisches Landesmuseum. Vol 3. 103-9. Fleckenstein, Josef (ed.) (1985). Das ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 80. Götungen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Deinert, Wilhelm (1960). Ritter und Kosmos im Parzival? Eine Untersuchung der Sternkunde Wolframs von Eschenbach. Munich: Beck. Fletcher, Robert Huntington (1965). Arthurian Material in Chronicles. New Deutsche Literaturgeschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (1979). Frappier, Jean (1957). Chrétien de Troyes. Paris: Hatier-Boivin, 1957. Gamber, Ortwin (1977). “Die Bewafinung der Stauferzeit.” Die Zeit der Staufer. Geschichte- Kunst- Kultur, Ed. Reiner Hausherr. Katalog der Ausstellung. 4 vols. Stuttgart: Württembergisches Landesmuseum. Vol. 3. Ed. Wolfgang Beutin ct. al. Stuttgart: Metzler. DeVries, Kelly (1992). Medieval Military Technology. Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press. Dick, Ernst (1978). “Katabasis and the Grail Epic: Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival.” Res Publica Litterarum. Studies in the Classical Tradition 1: 57-87. Dimler, G. Richard (1970). “Parzival’s Guilt: A Theological Interpretati on.” Monatshefte 62: 123-34. Dinzelbacher, Peter (1996). “Hauptlinien einer Religionsgeschichte Deutschlands im Hochmittelalter.” Saeculum 47: 67-88. York: Haskell. 113-18. Gaunt, Simon (1989). Troubadours and Irony. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Gellrich, Jesse M. (1985). The Idea of the Book in the Middle Ages. Language Theory, Mythology, and Fiction. Ithaca and London: Cornell UP. Gernhuber, Joachim (1952). Die Landfriedensbewegung in Deutschland bis zum Mainzer Reichslandfrieden von 1235. Bonn: Bouvier. Gervinus, G. G. (1853). Geschichte der Deutschen Literatur. Vol.l. 4th ed. Leipzig: Enzelmann.

HGHHuaaalrsstattuufsCzivAfkEtetgimgnghälpsoisydyouove:a,n,ncr,laateTvhAgkndsOlNmEWhK,encW.,AAsiu.Boilea.e”dna,ocb’lv,alCwARmMharTnt‘Tisth.rbdecC.He.niaet((MhrEohsroWDr1b1.yavt(dnhiJlu9(.a9eh-z.i1n(aröErc1d(eoBd91u‘asx.h(591li4(1f4e89P)ek.rm9)1w95n0asNhdVtn.0D.mH9o6ri(()c2GiC)e5,6sz4)1o1E.e)nöWpkrA.“)8i)w99.dSrnpmo.v()D.o6i8ou“tdpav1r.“sxP5bYfa(iLAleme9tAakP))Boc1.iz.nin8MRars’9’tedz0212garcil1kee8pti(u)ze2h:IcrrHEoT9chAsv1.8inanöeR)hf9vso0BMrFfter:aa,ules51aiuCicSmHyn.t3Isl7rreos“aK.dHg1iGM)ttpcudCi.MAsüanner8hhöthülucdJi‘mWneed3,ituphcIacoasdAo,rmmpstbcuTtIryin.9geaEtnarrfih:l,niCoumbteTedrehnqzlABgf.DipiCrnpuuiroenrhesv,Rt:odtm.lnavsekoiHukeHtl:tnrhFTaluusyadnomigtheee.rtKdbni7snituie:bS,’ük.dnoQAotrlWai:iaeTsnM.su1kneraome:WcIA9aauT,igooche8dnt.TnecPfeh9ltNhrdxrdha,ezned.SnfoiltE.eusribsvtegcoMHEprnRqWlKihduiidfisaetumo.entiW,üysaIhertmtisondsvehSka,:DWzMgP‘Ldoi.eltesaCiPhiufnanoKreavDtlngfHoTyjrmiitAdhEn.hwaozuLdscWei,rse”elmoHuktronctorvvi,a,ml’thfaenclvWdzesfprlntaeuMionrs’.htnracdnb:lv’eda”äinC‘mifsWtmslEMadhCdocHW:rE.’eKwövhenia”isgalfnsa,onkcmseimfttFdrMelhwurPiiBMdAetolcabaeviehunrhdnylomorgn.-,.-dnnt-ess sic.NewYork/London:Harcourt,Brace&World. Schmidt.lin: UP. Lbroindgeo:n:CaBmrbitrishdgMeusUPc.umPress. BgSbet1crneuh2ir:m1dlg-iKden4ü:tmU..6SP:c6e.h42rm8-li8ed56t3. 1980.412-438. G2G6ioirb6bciedCuoLtMrWEjheEiWoestmdeaapngoscf.n,mrleikthl,ceenaQokMfkE.rsvdulc,Dr,MA"adfasetonb.aRierl,rGea,HKmeKstnrcCraRu’HiaelChdoGsor1E.srnau2elnsirhdm.Riér.d‘cn(onsByo”(tiaPehEVu1lEcsyifa1ry.(not9.dnerh79uG1lh8:zndD(W0(7e.dl9e2b4iR115i\u7ta)vU.d919)s3W(6rac3eH.75.b8o1)lmh.ro2(76e0r9.p'hMa12f)“)n’JTyD9kstIHe.G.raTd4sWuIR“d7h)ruPteaDKoyi2Wro“C,aPNnileAúhm)dfoaDryd‘se8nuv.aczcrmluDsW0netanpraodrid0ocDRslv“pfgWePenboa-UrazuDl.tprisnOf1AdlLfiucFtatgned3rsG.iRcrRihvszo”st0gdkaK.aLcTumeLuhAtGmgdrSPrDenss.oitBaenco:hnPgMCsovrmSiGnd/CeWdüuonIemhtaeEtipdonssglanTuRrPGehmtbcicn:zE:orledbeqsahtEmhivycaDreuásnJihBz(.sorcaWCloFecnthismaVR:fuhsGvdteoraiWrglvtae.öRn”neMinifsGl’epbeedLrrct'aWoAhmrlli,uenDd:en:cEöop,tslrCmera.hfTunj1’rli.sfaAhdU,9tBemgbogTPGcrirPAba:ufehV.sc.3‘SiSrAmtneüia:WctugrG’nsTldiuo-urchghdel2:TtKsbaidrSRCen.5ghsüuytWa‘ocmLf.li7rnusehPtbcm”alEo-goehrnd4aUh2DHfbfEeiW.z9l:Pn7gdrm.:ot,p6csaeUvl”dag’MDhh.rnte4e1raofluWgG3.1y:rQhiMoqpm--We’niöutWalnBuM86pfR1oeoCmgWGi25e-nr1msoh.cse.at2cslrvdei540hmuHf)onp.9eei:,l-s:.anGSsbaNeLccaröanehhncpndarwhpfgiL.tiPfua”YltaanioergMcngtrhoeiukzennna/uaR:gBgLrtesuesoKvcLaniühRiegedmtfewDoevtsrnie3ar:l5w8t;w6unGse:r4a4c.0hird07na:le-8-fsa532P4tn4oM1-.8dei.1-.t2r4ye79.l.aTlthers.HaTgüubein:gMeon:utNoine.meyer. House.

Hausherr, Reiner (1972). “Sensus litteralis und sensus spiritualis in der Bible moraliséc.” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 6: 356-380. Heninger, S. K., Jr. (1974). Touches af Sweet Harmony. Pythagorean Cosmology and Renaissance Poetics, San Marino, CA: The Huntington Library, Horgan, A. D. (1974). “The Grail in Wolfram's Parzival.” Medieval Studies 36: 354-381. Huby, Michel (1989). “Nochmals zu Parzivals Entwicklung.” Studien zu 269 Jones, Martin H. (1988). “The Depiction of Battle in Wolfram von Eschenbach's Willehalm.” The Ideals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood II. Papers from the third Strawberry Hill Conference 1986. Ed. Christopher Harper-Bill and Ruth Harvey. Woodbrige: Boydell, 46-69. Jones, Martin H. (1989). “die tjostiure uz vünf scharn (Willehalm 362,3). Studien zu Wolfram von Eschenbach: Festschrift für Werner Schröder. Ed. Joachim Heinzle et al. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 429-441. Wolfram von Eschenbach. Festschrift für Werner Schröder. Ed. Kurt Gartner. Niemeyer: Tübingen. 257-269. Jung, Carl Gustav (1972). The Spirit in Man, Art, and Literature. Trans. R F. C. Hull. Princeton: Princeton UP. Illich, Ivan (1993). In the Vineyard of the Text. A Commentary to Hugh’s ‘Didascalicon.’ Chicago and London: U of Chicago P. Jung, Carl Gustay (1977). Mysterium Coniunctionis. An Inquiry into the Séparation and Synthesis of Prychic Opposites in Alchemy. 2nd ed. Trans. R. F. C. Hull. Princeton: Princeton UP. Irvine, Martin (1994). The Making of Textual Culture: ‘Grammatica’ and Literary Theory, 350-1100. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Jackson, William H. (1994). Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Germany: The Works of Hartmann von Auc. Cambridge: Brewer. Jackson, William H. (1994). “Lance and Shield in the buhurt.” German Narrative Literature of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. Studies Presented 10 Roy Wisbey. Ed. Volker Honemann et al. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 39-54. Jackson, William H. (1995). “Zank und Zwist bei Waffenspielen.” ‘bickelwort’ und ‘wildiu maere.’ Festschrift für Eberhard Nellmann. Ed. Dorothec Lindemann et al. Göppingen: Kümmerle. 408-423. facger, C. Stephen (1985). The Origins of Courtiiness. Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939-1210. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P. Johnson, L. Peter (1968). “Lahelin and the Grail horses.” MLR 63 (1968): 612-617. Johnson, L. Peter (1972). “Dramatische Ironie in Wolframs Parzival.” Probleme mittelhochdeutscher Erzählformen. Berlin: Schmidt. 133-152. Johnson, L. Peter (1978). “Sine kläwen. An Interpretation.” Approaches to Wolfram von Eschenbach. By D. H. Green and L. Peter Johnson. Berne: Lang. 295-334. Johnson, Sidney M. (1958). “Gawan’s Surprise in Wolfram’s Parzival.” Germanic Review 33: 285-292. Johnson, Sidney M. (1970). “Parzival and Gawan: Their Conflicts of Duties.” Wolfram-Studien 1: 98-116. Jones, Martin H. (1972), “Parzival's Fighting and his Election to the Grail.” Wolfram-Studien 3: 52-71. Jung, Carl Gustay (1980). The Archetypes of the Collective Unconscious. 2nd ed. Trans. R. F. C. Hull. Princeton: Princeton UP. Jung, Carl Gustav (1980). Psychology and Alchemy. 2nd ed. Trans. R F. C. Hull. Princeton: Princeton UP. Jung, Carl Gustav (1984). Psychology and Western Religion. Trans. R. EF, C. Hull. Princeton: Princeton UP. Jung, Carl Gustav (1989). Aspects of the Masculine. Trans. R. F. C. Hull. Intraduction and Headnotes by John Beebe. Princeton: Princeton UP. 9- 23. (Includes “The Battle for Deliverance from the Mother.”) Jung, Emma, and Marie-Louise von Franz (1986). The Grail Legend. 2nd ed. Trans. Andrea Dykes. Boston: Sigo Press. Kahane, Henry and Renée (1959). “Wolfram’s Gral und Wolframs Kyor.” Zfä A 89: 202-213. Kaiser, Gert (1991). Introduction. An den Grenzen höfischer Kultur: Anfechtungen der Lebensordnung in der deutschen Erzähldichtung des hohen Mittelalters. Ed. Gert Kaiser. München: Fink. 7-8. Kant, Karl (1878). Scherz und Humor in Wolframs von Eschenbach Dichtungen. Heilbronn: Henninger. Karg, Ina (1993). ‘sin süeze súrez ungemach’: Erzählen von der Minne in Wolframs ‘Parzival.’ Göppingen: Kiimmerle. Karncin, Alfred (1985). De Amore in volkssprachlicher Literatur. Untersuchungen zur Andreas-Capellanus-Rezeption im Mittelalter und Renaissance. Heidelberg: Winter. Katz, Jacob (1986). The Darker Side of Genius: Richard Wagner AntiSemitism. Hanover and London: UP of New England. (Original German edition: Richard Wagner. Vorbote des Antisemitismus. Königstein, 1985.) Kermode, Frank (1979). The Genesis of Secrecy: On the Interpretation of Narrative. Cambridge (MA) and London: Harvard UP.

Knapp, F. P. (1996). “Von Gottes und der Menschen Wirklichkeit. Wolframs fromme Welterzählung Parzival.” Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift 70: 351- 368. Knefelkamp, Ulrich (1986). Die Suche nach dem Reich des Priester Johannes, dargestellt anhand von Reiseberichten und anderen ethnographischen Quellen des 12. bis 17. Jahrhunderts. Gelsenkirchen: Andreas Müller. Kolb, Herbert (1986). “Guido militiac Templi magister.” Archiv 223: 337344. Kratz, Henry (1973). Wolfram von Eschenbach’s ‘Parzival”: An Attempt at a Total Evaluation. Bern: Francke. WORKS CITED 271 Marchand, James (1977). “Wolfram’s Bawdy.” Monatshefte 69: 131-149. Marx, Jean (1952). La légende Arthurienne et le Graal. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. McFarland, Timothy (1993). “Clinschor. Wolfram’s Adaptation of the Conte du Graal: The Schastel Marveile Episode.” Chrétien de Troyes and the German Middle Ages. Papers from an International Symposium. Ed, Martin H. Jones and Roy Wisbey. Cambridge: Brewer/London: Institute of Germanic Studies, University of London. 277-294. Mielke, Andreas (1992). Nigra sum et formosa. Afrikancrinnen in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters. Texte und Kontexte zum Bild des Afrikaners in der literarischen Imagologie. Stuttgart: Helfant. Kiihnel, Jürgen (1991). “Wagners Parsifal— cin antisemitisches Werk?” Programmheft Parsifal der Wiener Staatsoper. 49-55. Miklautsch, Lydia (1991). Studien zur Mutterrolle in den mittelhochdeutschen Kunitzsch, Paul (1984). “Der Orient in Wolframs Parzival.” ZDA 113: 79- Großepen des zwölften und dreizehnten Jahrhunderts. Erlangen: Palm & 111. Lacey, Norris J. (ed.) (1996). The New Arthurian Encyclopedia New York: Garland. Le Goff, Jacques (1965). Das Hochmittelalter. Trans. Sigrid Metken. Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer. Le Goff, Jacques (1988). The Medieval Imagination. Trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Chicago and London: U of Chicago P. Leixner, Otto von (1910). Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Leipzig: Spanner. Lewis, Gertrude Jaron (1975). “Die unheilige Herzcloyde. Ein ikonoklastischer Versuch.” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 74: 465485. Lofmark, Carl J. (1972). “Wolfram’s source references in Parzival.” MLR 67: 820-844. Lofmark, Carl J. (1977). “Zur Interpretation der Kyotstellen im Parzival” Wolfram-Studien 4: 33-70. Loomis, Roger Sherman (1926). Celtic Myth and Arthurian Romance. New York, Columbia UP. Reprinted London, 1995. Loomis, Roger Sherman (1949). Arthurian Tradition and Chrétien de Troyes. New York: Columbia UP. Loomis, Roger Sherman (1991). The Grail. From Celtic Myth to Christian Symbol. Princeton: Princeton UP. Originally published in 1963. Maksymiuk, Stephan (1996). The Court Magician in Medieval German Romance. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang. de Mandach, André (1995). Auf den Spuren des Heiligen Gral. Göppingen: Kümmerle. Enke. Mohr, Wolfgang (1957). “Obie und Meljanz. Zum 7. Buch von Wolframs Parzival.” Gestaltprobleme der Dichtung. Günther Müller zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 15. Dezember 1955. Bonn: Bouvier. 1957. 9-20 (Reprinted in Rupp ed., 1966). Mohr, Wolfgang (1958). “Parzival und Gawan.” Euphorion 52: 1-22 (Reprinted in Rupp, ed. 1966). Mohr, Wolfgang (1965). “Landgraf Kingrimursel. Zum VIII. Buch von Wolframs Parzival.” Philologia Deutsch. Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Walter Henzen. Ed. Werner Kohlschmidt and Paul Zinsli. Bern: Francke. 21-38. Mohr, Wolfgang (1965). “Zu den epischen Hintergründen in Wolframs Parzival.” Mediaeval German Studies presented to Frederick Norman. London: Institute of Germanic Studies. 174-87. Mohr, Wolfgang (1970). “Parzivals ritterliche Schuld.” Der arthurische Roman. Ed. Kurt Wais. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. 33254. (First published in Wirkendes Wort 2, 1951-52: 148-60). Müller, Jan-Dirk (1980). “Funktionswandel ritterlicher Epik am Ausgang des Mittelalters.” Gesellschaftliche Sinnangebote Mittelalterlicher Literatur, Ed. Gert Kaiser. München: Fink. 1-11. Müller, Ulrich (1980). “Parzival und Parsifal. Vom Roman Wolframs von Eschenbach und vom Musikdrama Richard Wagners.” Sprache-TextGeschichte. Ed. Peter K. Stein. Göppingen: Kiimmerle. 479-502. Müller, Ulrich (1991). “Blank, Syberberg, and the German Arthurian Tradition” Trans. Julie Giffin. Cinema Arthuriana, Essays on Arthurian Film. Ed. Kevin J. Harty. New York/London: Garland. 157-168. Murdoch, Brian (1972). The Fall of Man in the Early Middle High German Biblical Epic, Göppingen: Kümmerle,

Murdoch, Brian (1974). The Recapitulated Fall. WORKS CITED A Comparative Study in Medieval Literature. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Murdoch, Brian (1975). “Das deutsche Adambuch und die Adamlegenden des Mittelalters.” Ed. W. Harms and L. P. Johnson. Deutsche Literatur des späten Mittelalters. Berlin: Schmidt. 209-24. Murdoch, Brian (1978). “Hartmann’s Gregorius and the Quest of Life.” New German Studies 6: 79-100. Murdoch, Brian (1991). “The Origins of Penance: Reflections of Adamic Apocrypha and of the Vita Adae in Western Europe.” Annals of the Archive of Ferran Valls I Taberner’s Library 9/10: 205-228. Nellmann, Eberhard (1966). “Produktive Mifverstindnisse. Wolfram als Ubersetzer Chrétiens.” Wolfram-Studien 14: 134-148. Nellmann, Eberhard (1994). “Stellenkommentar.” Wolfram von Eschenbach. Parzival. Ed. Karl Lachmann. Revised and with commentary by Eberhard Nellmann. Trans. Dieter Kühn. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag. Vol.2. 443-837. Neumann, Erich (1974). The Great Mother. An Analysis of the Archetype. Trans. Ralph Manheim. Princeton: Princeton UP. Nicolle, David C. (1988). Arms and Armour of the Crusading Era 1050- 1350. 2 vols, New York: Kraus. Nitze, William A. (1949). “Perceval and the Holy Grail.” Univ. of Calif. Publ. In Mod. Phil. 28: 281-332. Noltze, Holger (1995). Gahmurets Orientfahrt: Kommentar zum ersten Buch von Wolframs ‘Parzival’ (4,27-58,26). Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann. eu Nykrog, Per (1996). Chrétien de Troyes: Romancier discutable. Geneva: Librairie Droz. Ortmann, Christa (1973). “Ritterschaft. Zur Bedeutung der GahmuretGeschichte im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach.” Deutsche Vierteljabrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 47: 664-710. Patterson, Linda (1975). Troubadours and Eloquence. Oxford: Clarendon. Paul, Hermann (1975). Mirtelhochdeutsche Grammatik. 21st ed. Revised by Hugo Moser and Ingeborg Schröbler. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Poag, James (1974). “Dix verholnen mare umben gral (Parz. 452, 30).” Wolf ram Studien 2: 72-83. Poag, James (1977). “Gawan's Surprise.” Wolfram-Studien 4: 71-76. Púrz, Hans Henning (1971). Die Darstellung der Schlacht in mittelhochdeutschen Erzähldichtungen von 1150 bis um 1250. Hamburg: Buske, 1971. 273 Rahn, Otto (1974). Kreuzzug gegen den Gral: Die Tragödie des Katharismus. Stuttgart: Gunther. Ranke, Friedrich (1946). “Zur Symbolik des Grals.” Trivium 4: 20-30. Ranke, Friedrich (1952). Gott, Welt und Humanitat in der deutschen Dichtung des Mittelalters. Ed. Maria Bindschedler. Basel: Schwabe. Richey, Margaret F. (1923). Gabmurer Anschevin: A Contribution to the Study of Wolfram von Eschenbach. Oxford: Blackwell. Ricoeur, Paul (1984), Time and Narrative. Vol 1. Trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer. Chicago and London: U of Chicago P. Ruh, Kurt (1980). Höfische Epik des deutschen Mittelalters. II. ‘Reinhart Fuchs,’ ‘Lanzelet,’ Wolfram von Eschenbach, Gottfried von Straßburg. Berlin: Schmidt. Rupp, Heinz (cd.) (1966). Wolfram von Eschenbach. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Rupp, Heinz (1983). “Die Bedeutung der Gawan-Bücher im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach.” London German Studies IL Ed. J. P. Stern. London: Institute of German Studies London. 1-17. Sacker, Hugh (1963). An Introduction to Wolfram's ‘Parzsval.’ Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Salmon, Paul (1963). “Der zchnte Engelchor in deutschen Dichtungen und Predigten des Mittelalters.” Exphorion 57: 321-30. Salzer, Anselm (1926), I/lustrierte Geschichte der Deutschen Literatur. Vol... Regensburg: Habbel. Schäfer-Maulbetsch, Rose-Beate (1972). Studien zur Entwicklung des mittelhochdeutschen Epos. Die Kampfschilderung in ‘Kaiserchronik,’ ‘Rolandslied’, ‘Alexanderlied,’ Encide,? ‘Liet von Troye,’ und ‘Willchalm.’ 2 vols. Göppingen: Kiimmerle. Schirok, Bernd (1982). Parzivalrezeprion im Mittelalter. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Schirok, Bernd (1985). Wolfram von Eschenbach, ‘Parzival.’ Die Bilder der illustrierten Handschriften. Göppingen: Kiimmerle. Schmid, Elisabeth (1993). “Wolfram von Eschenbach: Parzival.” Interpretationen: Mittelhochdeutsche Romane und Heldenepen. Ed. Horst Brunner. Stuttgart: Reclam. 173-195. Schmolke-Hasselmann, Beate (1980). Der arthurische Versroman von Chrestien bis Froissart. Zur Geschichte einer Gattung. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Schnell, Rüdiger (1974). “Vogeljagd und Liebe im 8. Buch von Wolframs Parzival. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Tübingen) 96: 246-269.

Scholz, Manfred G. (1980). Hören und Lesen. Studien zur primären Rezep- Stevens, Adrian (1994). “Memory, Reading and the Renewal of Love: On the 274 tion der Literatur im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Schröder, Walter Johannes (1952). Der Ritter zwischen Welt und Gott. Weimar: Böhlau, Schröder, Walter Johannes (1963). Die Soltane-Erzahlung in Wolframs ‘Parzival.? Studien zur Darstellung und Bedeutung der Lebensstufen Parzivals. Heidelberg: Winter. Schultz, Alwin (1889). Das höfische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger. 2nd ed. 2 vols. Leipzig: Hirzel. Poetics of Invention in Gottfried’s Tristan.” German Narrative Literature of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: Studies presented to Roy Wisbey on his Sixty-fifth Birthday. Ed. Volker Honemann et al. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1994. 319-336. Sturges, Robert S, (1991). Medieval Interpretation. Models of Reading in Lircrary Narrative, 1100-1500. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois UP. Sussman, Linda (1995). The Speech of the Grail. A Journey toward Speaking that Heals and Transforms. Hudson, NY: Lindisfarne Press. Schweikle, Günther (1970). Dichter über Dichter in Mittelhochdeutscher Lireratur. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Criticism of Crusading Swinburne, Hilda (1955). “Parzival’s Crisis.” Modern Language Review 50: 181-6. Schwictering, Julius (1969). “Parzivals Schuld.” Philologische Schriften. Ed. Friedrich Ohly and Max Wehrli. Munich: Fink. 362-84. (Originally published in Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 81 [1944]: 44-68.) Siberry, Elizabeth (1985). Clarendon. 275 1095-1274. Oxford: Simson, Otto Georg von (1966). “Uber das Religiöse in Wolframs Parzival.” In: Heinz Rupp (ed.). 207-31. Singer, Samuel (1898). “Zu Wolframs Parzival.” Abhandlungen zur ger- Swisher, Michael, “Zorn in Wolfram’s Parzival.” Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 93 (1992): 393-410. Tax, Petrus (1965). “ Felix culpa und lapsit exillis: Wolframs Parzival und die Liturgie.” MLN 80: 454-69. Tax, Petrus (1973). “Gahmuret zwischen Áneas und Parzival: Zur Struktur der Vorgeschichte von Wolframs Parzival.” ZDP 92: 24-37. Tax, Petrus (1973). “Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival in the Light of Biblical Typology.” Seminar 9: 1-14. manischen Philologie. Festgabe für Richard Heinzel. Halle/S.: Niemeyer, 353-436. Tennant, F. R. (1903) The Sources of the Doctrines of the Fall and of Original Smail, R. C. (1956). Crusading Warfare (1097-1193). Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Thomas, Neil (1989). The Medieval German Arthuriad. Some Contemporary Smalley, Beryl (1957). The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages. Oxford: Oxford UP. Sin. Cambridge: CUP. Revaluations of the Canon. Bernc: Lang. Timpson, George F. (1959/60). “The Heraldic Element in Wolfram’s Parzival.” German Life and Letters N.S. 13: 88-93. Spahr, Blake Lee (1991), “Gahmuret’s Erection: Rising to Adventure.” Monatshefte 83: 403-413. Tobin, Frank (1975). “Fallen Man and Hartmann’s Gregorius.” Germanic Stauffer, Marianne (1959). Der Wald. Zur Darstellung und Deutung der Natur im Mittelalter. Berne: Francke. Vale, Malcolm (1981). War and Chivalry: Warfare and Aristocratic Culture Stein, Alexandra (1993). ‘wort unde were’: Studien zum narrativen Diskurs im ‘Parzival’ Wolframs von Eschenbach. Frankfurt: Lang. Review 50: 85-98. in England, France and Burgundy at the End of the Middle Ages. London: Duckworth. Steiner, Gertraud. Das Abenteuer der Regression: Eine Untersuchung zur phantasmagorischen Wiederkehr der verlorenen Zeit im ‘Erec’ Hartmanns von Aue. Göppingen: Kiimmerle, 1983. Verbruggen, J. F. (1976). The Art of Warfare in Western Europe during the Stevens, Adrian (1993). “Heteroglossia and Clerical Narrative.” Chrétien de Troyes and the German Middle Ages. Ed. Martin H. Jones and Roy Wisbey. Vinaver, Eugène (1984). The Rise of Romance. Cambridge and New Jersey Woodbridge/Rochester: Brewer; Institute of German Studies. 241-255. Vorderstemann, Jürgen (1974). Die Fremdwörter im ‘Willchalm’ Wolframs Middle Ages. Trans. S. Willard and S.C.M. Southern. Amsterdam: NorthHolland; New York: American Elseview. 1984: Barnes & Noble. von Eschenbach. Göppingen: Kümmerle. Wack, Mary F. (1984). “Wolfram’s dawn song Sine kläwen.” Traditio 40:

Wand, Christine (1989). Wolfram von Eschenbach und Hartmann von Aue. Wynn, Marianne (1962). “Parzival and Gawan — Hero and Counterpart.” Herne: Verlag fiir Wissenschaft und Kunst. Wapnewski, Peter (1955). Wolframs ‘Parzival.’ Studien zur Religiositar und Form. Heidelberg: Winter. Wapnewski, Peter (1992). “The Operas as Literary Works.” Trans. Peter Palmer. Wagner Handbook. Ed. Ulrich Miller and Peter Wapnewski. (Translation edited by John Deathridge.) Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP. (Originally published as Richard-Wagner-Handbuch [Stuttgart, 1986].) Wehrli, Max (1966). “Wolfram’s Humor.” In Heinz Rupp, ed., 104-124. Wehrli, Max (1975). “diu menscheit hät wilden art.” Verbum et signum: Beiträge zur mediävistischen Bedeutungsforschung. Ed. Hans Fromm. 2 vols. Munich: Fink. Vol.2. 189-201. Weigand, Hermann J. (1969). “Narrative Time in the Grail Poems of Chrétien de Troyes and Wolfram von Eschenbach.” Wolfram’s ‘Parzival”: Five Essays with an Introduction. By HW. Ed. Ursula Hoffmann. Ithaca and London: Cornell UP. 18-74. (Originally published in PMLA 53 [1938]: 917-50.) Weiner, Marc A. (1995). Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination. Lincoln and London: U of Nebraska P. Wells, Christopher J. (1985). German. A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford: Clarendon. Wells, David A. (1994). “Fatherly Advice. The Precepts of Gregorius, Marke, and Gurnemanz and the School Tradition of the Disticha Catonis.” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 28: 296-332. Wenzel, Horst (1980). “Zur Repräsentation von Herrschaft in mittelalterlichen Texten.” Adelsherrschaft und Literatur. Ed. Horst Wenzel. Frankfurt: 277 Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Tübingen) 84: 142-172. (Reprinted in Wynn, Wolfram’s ‘Parzival’). Wynn, Marianne (1976/77). “Orgeluse, Persönlichkeitsgestaltung auf chrestienschem Modell.” German Life and Letters 30: 127-137. Wynn, Marianne (1983). “Medieval Literature in Reception: Richard Wagner and Wolfram’s Parzival.” London German Studies 2: 94-114. Wynn, Marianne (1984). Wolfram’s “Parzival”: On the Genesis of Its Poetry. Frankfurt: Lang. Wynn, Marianne (1994). “Wolfram von Eschenbach.” German Writers and Works of the High Middle Ages: 1170-1280. Ed. James Hardin and Will Hasty. Dictionary of Literary Biography. Vol. 138. Detroit, Washington, DC, and London: Gale Rescarch. 185-206. Yeandle, David N. (1981). “Herzcloyde: Problems of Characterization in Book III of Wolfram’s Parzival.” Euphorion 75: 1-28. Yeandle, David N. (1985). Commentary on the Soltane and Jeschute Episodes in Book III of Wolfram von Eschenbach’s ‘Parzival.’ Heidelberg: Winter. Zelinsky, Hartmut (1976). Richard Wagner — ein deutsches Thema. Eine Dokumentation zur Wirkungsgeschichte Richard Wagners 1876-1976. Frankfurt: Zweitausendeins. Zeydel, Edwin H. (1953). “Wolfram’s Parzival, ‘Kyot’ und die Katharer.” Neophilologus 37: 23-35. Zimmermann, Gisela (1972). “Untersuchungen zur Orgeluscepisode in Wolfram von Eschenbachs Parzival.” Euphorion 66: 128-150. Zimmermann, Giscla (1974). Kommentar zum VII. Buch von Wolfram von Eschenbachs ‘Parzival.’ Göppingen: Kümmerle. Lang. Wessels, P. B. (1966). “Wolfram zwichen Dogma und Legende.” In: Heinz Rupp, ed., 232-60. Westernhagen, Curt von (1966). Richard Wagners Dresdener Bibliothek 1842-1849. Wiesbaden: Brockhaus. Weston, Jessie L. (1920). From Ritual to Romance. Cambridge: CUP, 1920. Wiedmer, Peter (1977). Sündenfall und Erlösung bei Heinrich von Hesler Berne: Francke. Wiles, Maurice (1977). The Christian Fathers. 2nd cd. London: SCM Press. Willoughby, Harold R. (1929) Pagan Regeneration. A Study of Mystery Inıtiations in the Gracco-Roman World. Chicago: U of Chicago P. Willson, Bernard (1962). “Das Fragemotiv in Wolframs Parzival.” Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 12: 139-50. Winder McConnell is Professor of German and Director of Medieval Studies at the University of California, Davis. He has published numerous books and articles on German heroic epic and romance, and translated both Kudrun and Nibelungenklage for Camden House.

Chrétien de Troyes. Arthurian Romances. Trans. William Kibler. (Erec and Mechthild von Magdeburg. Flowing Light of the Divinity. Trans. Christiane Mesch Galvani. Edited with an Introduction by Susan Clark. New York Enide translated by Carleton W. Carroll.) New York: Penguin, 1991. Chrétien de Troyes. Le conte du graal (Perceval). Ed. Felix Lecoy. Paris: Champion, 1981. 261 and London: Garland, 1991. Otto von Freising and Rahewin. Gesta Frederici. Ed. Franz-Josef Schmale. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1965. Chrétien de Troyes. Erec et Enide. Ed. Trans. Jean-Marie Fritz. Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 1992. Patrologiae curses completus ... Series Latina. Ed. Jacques Paul Migne. Paris, Chrétien de Troyes. Der Percevalroman (Li Contes del Graal). Ed. Alfons Hilka. Halle: Niemeyer, 1932. Peredur. Ed. Trans. James J. Wilhelm. The Romances of Arthur II. New York: Chrétien de Troyes. The Story of the Grail (Li Contes del Graal) or Perceval. Ed. Rupert T. Pickens. Trans. William W. Kibler. New York and London: Garland, 1990. The Continuations of the Old French Perceval of Chrétien de Troyes, Volume 1. Ed. William Roach. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1949. Cyprian of Carthage. De lapsis and De ecclesiar catholicae unitate. Ed. Trans. Maurice Bénevor. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971. (Also Migne, cd. Patrologia Latina 4,477-536.) Dante Alighieri. La Vita Nuova (Poems of Youth). Translated with an Introduction by Barbara Reynolds. London: Penguin, 1969. Enchiridion Symbolorum. Ed. Heinrich Denzinger and Clemens Bannwart 27th ed. by J. B. Umberg. Freiburg i. Br.: Herder, 1928. Fasisculus Morum. A Fourteenth-Century Preacher’s Handbook. Ed. Trans. Siegfried Wenzel. University Park: Pennsylvania State UP, 1989. 1844-64. Garland, 1986. 29-61. Perlesvaus. English. The High Book of the Grail. Trans. Nigel Bryant. Ipswich: Rowman and Littlefield, 1978. La Queste del Saint Graal. Ed. Albert Pauphilet. Paris: Champion, 1980. Robert de Boron. Le roman de Pestoire du graal. Ed. William A. Nitze. Paris: Champion, 1927. Wirnt von Gravenberg. Wigalois. Ed. J. M. N. Kapteyn. Bonn: Klopp, 1926. Studies Adorno, Theodor W. (1981). In search of Wagner. Trans. Rodney Livingstone. London: NLB. (Original German edition: Versuch über Wagner. Berlin: 1952) Agena, Kathleen (1983). “The Return of Enchantment.” The New York Times, Magazine Desk, 27 Nov. 1983, Sec. 6, p.66, col.l. Gcoffrey of Monmouth. The History of the Kings of Britain. Trans. Lewis Thorpe. London: Penguin Classics, 1966. Allen, Peter L. (1992). The Art of Love. Amatory Fiction from Ovid to the Gottfried von Straßburg. Tristan, Ed. Karl Marold. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1977. Arnold, Benjamin (1985). German Knighthood 1050-1300. Oxford: Oxford Gottfried von Straßburg. Tristan. Trans. A. T. Hatto. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1960/1984. Hartmann von Aue. Der arme Heinrich. Ed. H. Paul. 15th ed. by G. Bonath. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984. Hartmann von Auc. Gregorius. Ed. H. Paul. 13th ed. by B. Wachinger. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984. Hartmann von Auc. Iwein. Ed. G. F. Benecke and Karl Lachmann. 7th revised edition by Ludwig Wolff. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1968. Hermann von Sachsenheim. Die Mörin. Ed. Horst Dieter Schlosser. Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1974. Historia Welforum. Ed. Erich König. 2nd ed. Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1978. Malory, Sir Thomas. The Works of Sir Thomas Malory. Ed. Eugene Vinaver. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1947. Rep. with corrections 1948. Marie de France. Lais. Paris: Flammarion, 1994. ‘Romance of the Rose.’ Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P. UP. Bakhtin, Michael (1981). The Dialogic Imagination. Four Essays by M. M. Bakhtin. Ed. Michacl Holmquist. Trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holmquist. Austin: U of Texas P. Baldwin, John W. (1994). The Language of Sex. Five Voices from Northern France around 1200. Chicago: U of Chicago P. Barber, Richard (1961). King Arthur: Hero and Legend. New York: St. Martins. Barber, Richard (1973). King Arthur in Legend and History. Boydell: Ipswich. Barber, Richard and Juliet Barker (1989). Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry and Pageantry in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge: Boydell.

Bayer, Hans (1976). “Soziale Struktur-Sprache-Ethos: Zur Soziologie der sozialethischen Begriffswelt des deutschen Mittelalters.” Wirkendes Wort 5: 334-55. Benton, John F. (1968). “Clio and Venus: An Historical View of Medieval Love.” The Meaning of Courtly Love. Ed. F. X. Newman. Albany: State U of New York P. 19-42. Bertau, Karl (1983). Wolfram von Eschenbach. Neun Versuche über Subjektivitat und Urspriinglichkeit in der Geschichte. Munich: Beck. 263 Brunner, Otto (1970). Land und Herrschaft. Grundfragen der territorialen Verfassungsgeschichte Österreichs im Mittelalter. 6th ed. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. im 12. und 13. JahrhunBumke, Joachim (1977). Studien zum Ritterbegriff dert. 2nd ed. Heidelberg: Winter. Bumke, Joachim (1986). Höfische Kultur. Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter. Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag. Bumke, Joachim (1991). Wolfram von Eschenbach. 6th cd. Stuttgart: Metzler. Bindschedler, Maria B. (1984). “Der Ritter Gawan als Arzt oder Medizin und Bumke, Joachim (1994). “Geschlechterbezichungen in den Gawanbüchern Höflichkeit.” Schweizer Monatshefte für Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur 64: von Wolframs Parzival.” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 729-743. Blair, Claude (1979). European Armour circa 1066 to circa 1700. 3rd ed. London: Batsford. 38-39: 105-21. Burdach, Konrad (1938). Der Gral. Forschungen über seinen Ursprung und seinen Zusammenhang mit der Longinuslegende. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1938. Rpt. Darmstadt, 1974. Blamires, David (1965). Characterization and Individuality in Wolfram’s ‘Parzival. Cambridge, Cambridge UP. Busby, Keith (1980). Gauvain in Old French Literature. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Bloom, Harold (1994). The Western Canon. The Books and School of the Ages. Busby, Keith (1993). Chrétien de Troyes: Perceval: Le Conte du Graal. Lon- New York: Riverhead Books. Bocheim, Wendelin (1890). Handbuch der Waffenkunde. Leipzig: Seemann. Boigs, Lotte (1992). “Versuch einer entstchungsgeschichtlichen Einordnung der sogenannten Sclbstvertcidigung.” Zeitschrift für Deutsche Philologie 111: 1-23. Boor, Helmut de (1953). Die höfische Literatur: Vorbereitung, Blüte, Ausklang 1170-1250. Volume 2 of Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur: Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. Munich: Beck. Borst, Arno (1959). “Das Rittertum im Hochmittelalter. Idee und Wirklichkeit.” Saeculum 10: 213-31. Bossy, John (ed.) (1989). Disputes and Settlements. Law and Human Relations in the West. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Bradbury, Jim (1992). The Medieval Siege. Woodbridge: Boydell. Brewer, D.S. (1996). Medieval Comic Tales. Ed. Derek Brewer. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Brewer. Brooks, Peter (1992). Reading for the Plot: Design and Intention in Narrative. Cambridge (MA): Harvard UP. Brunner, Horst (1983), “Artus der wise héfsche man. Zur immanenten Historizität der Ritterwelt im Parzival Wolframs von Eschenbach.” Germanistik in Erlangen. Hundert Jahre nach der Gründung des Deutschen Seminars. Ed. Dietmar Peschel. Universitätsbund Erlangen-Nürnberg. 6173. don: Grant and Cutler. Camargo, Martin (1996). “Where's the Bricf?: The Ars Dictaminis and the Reading/Writing Between the Lines.” Disputatio 1: 1-17. Camille, Michael (1985). “Secing and Reading: Some Visual Implications of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy.” Art History 8: 26-49. Camille, Michael (1989). “Visual Signs of the Sacred Paper: Books in the Bible moralisée.” Word & Image 5, 1: 111-130. Campbell, Joseph (1959). The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. New York: Viking. Casey, John (1990). Pagan Virtue: An Essay in Ethics. Oxford: Clarendon. Christoph, Siegfried R. (1981). Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Couples. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Christoph, Siegfried R. (1981). “Wolfram's Sigune and the Question of Guilt.” Germanic Review 56: 62-69. Cirlot, J. E. (1991). A Dictionary of Symbols. 2nd ed. Trans. Jack Sage. New York: Dorset Press. Clanchy, M. T. (1979). From Memory to Written Record: England, 10661307. London: Edward Arnold. Clark, S. H. (1990). Paul Ricoeur. London and New York: Routledge. Classen, Albrecht (1994). “Andreas Capellanus aus kommunikationstheoretischer Sicht. Eine postmoderne Auslegung von De amore.” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 29/1: 45-60.