Pindar on Parnassus: a Neopythagorean Impulse in Raphael's Stanza della Segmatura

MmMaTe Menx - Aes WS Lises) à 1936 | Cu AAN fpunec PINDAR ON PARNASSUS: Pis om A NEOPYTHAGOREAN IMPULSE IN RAPHAEL’S STANZA DELLA SEGNATURA BY CHRISTIANE L. JOOST-GAUGIER “In the drama of human art the poet provides the words but the actors add their own quality... for they have more to do than merely repeat the author's words: in the truer drama... the Soul displays itself in a part assigned by the creator of the piece". N T563psCLG.,614 Classical the private library of Julius II, now known as the author well appreciated by Renaissance huthese lines Plotinus, a late Stanza della Segnatura. Because the inhabitants of manists, suggests a new way of reading the this unique coterie have, for the most part, not Parnassus (fig. 1), the most conspicuously yet been securely identified, a full understanding Classical of the frescoes painted by Raphael for of the subject of this painting has not yet been Fic. 1. — RAPHAEL. Parnassus. Vatican, Stanza della Segnatura. Photo Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie.

Fic. 2. — Marcantonio RAIMONDI. Pamassus, engraving of Raphael's Parnassus. Washington, National Gallery of Art. Photo museum. and character of Apollo: it would, as well, introduce the other two of its principal characters who were to become the major foreground figures. a Neopythagorean perspective such as that Thus was Apollo brought higher up in the compresented to Renaissance readers by Plotinus, in position — order to suggest his identity which in turn will changed, and forming suggest a new reading of the overall iconographibecome the version of that instrument most apcal scheme of the painting and its relation to the propriate, according to Cicero, Macrobius, and Stanza as a whole. This scheme is far more enothers who had linked it to Plato’s cosmology, to his its summit, instrument his posture transformed to riched and elaborate than what has often been dehim and directly linking him with Sappho, his proscribed as merely a gathering of famous poets in tagonist to the left. These alterations have recently the company of their patron, the god of poetry’. suggested Unfortunately, since no compositional drawings that a unified theme based on the change of instrument given to Apollo, the sevenfor this fresco survive, Raphael did not leave us stringed lyre (or lira da braccio)*, might be found a visible clue concerning his struggle to accomin a Neopythagorean inspiration that appears to modate the complexities of its subject matter’. have dominated the revision, or finalization, of The earliest surviving record of this fresco, an enthis fresco”. According to this theory not only graving by Marcantonio Raimondi (fig. 2), is very poetry, but also music which through its intervals different from the fresco as we know it today, sugexemplified the numerical relations of Pythagoregesting that it was made before the composition an was put in final finished form by its author. Intheme. Thus it becomes important that Apollo is universal harmony, is represented in this deed, the only figures clearly recognizable in both represented not only as the god of poetry but also compositions are Apollo in the center and Homer, as the god of music, for they are one. Their uni- Dante, and Virgil who form a small group on the hill to the left of Apollo. Not only would the final form of this compocompounded from the invention of the lyre by sition considerably alter the location, position, pho elevates poetry to the status of a universal fication suggests that the music of the spheres, Apollo and the invention of lyrical poetry by Sap-

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS tributes to the unifying concept of the Stanza della seated old man was the Attic tragedian Aeschylus, while he saw Pindar as one of the standing Segnatura and its elegant humanistic program so younger men to the far incompletely understood. together with another young man, identified as cosmological meaning that complements and con- The third protagonist (fig. 3), who therefore left of the painting who Horace, was in the group next to Sappho®. Luitforms together with Apollo and Sappho an imporpold tant anchor to the design, must now be considered. much of the vast Raphael literature prior to 1966, Dussler, whose major work encompassed His powerful dimension and prominent location, was hesitant to identify the seated old man who the exhilaration of his mood, and the command he considered among the many figures of the Parof his gesture suggest that he forms an important nassus whose identity still remained uncertain’. part of the painted idea as it was revised and cast Among the more recent writers on this fresco, into final form by Raphael. Indeed, together with Luisa Becherucci suggested the white haired poet Apollo and Sappho, he forms the third point in was Horace!®. In 1970, John Pope-Hennessy sugan gested his uncertainty: though the old man might isosceles triangle that dominates the entire be Pindar it was also possible that the standing composition. The monumental old bearded man seated opyounger man to the far left of the painting might posite Sappho, who grandly gestures with his left - be Pindar, in which case the old man’s identity arm while turning his body to carry on an ebulremained unknown!!. Roger Jones and Nicholas lient conversation with his enraptured neighbor, Penny tended, without conviction, to follow the has never been conclusively identified. While he idea that the seated old man might be Aeschylus!?. has variously been referred to as Aeschylus, Horace, Pindar and, indirectly, Archilochus, no one has suggested a consistent thematic reason for any of these possibilities. Indeed, most writers refer to this figure simply as ‘the aged man to the right’. When Giorgio Vasari wrote about this painting in 1550, and again in 1568, he evidently did not know the identity of the seated old man to the right dressed in a bright green and mauve tunic for he did not refer to him at all, though he noted the presence of Sappho on the opposite side®, who is identified by the scroll she holds aloft. Writing at the end of the following century, Giovanni Pietro Bellori supposed, on the basis of the similarity of his heavy brow and majestic face to a ‘noted’ portrait which he unfortunately did not identify, that this elderly pensatore might be Pindar. Bellori suggested this aged poet was represented in the act of singing and that his song was addressed to his standing young neighbor who expresses his rapture with his outstretched arms, possibly Horace, who he described as an imitator of Pindar’. Rather than relying on Bellori’s interpretation, modern writers have tended to doubt, disregard, or ignore Bellori's view. In 1947, Gottfried 1926, and again in Hoogewerff suggested that the Fic. 3. - RAPHAEL. Parnassus (detail showing Pindar). Vatican, Stanza della Segnatura. Photo Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie.

In an interesting study of this fresco, Paul Watson — somewhat disappointingly — referred to the vigorous poet merely as the “masculine counterpart” of Sappho!>. In the past year James Beck reaffirmed his own previous attribution of the old man Roman as Horace, who he termed a “worthy counterpart to Sappho”!*. It will be seen below that very good reason exists to suggest that this important figure is none other than Pindar, and that the role he plays in the composition not only underlines the Neopythagorean theme of the whole but also suggests a Neopythagorean reading of its main figures who through their combination. position, and disposition refer to each other on a level distinct from that of the other inhabitants of this lofty secluded retreat. Perhaps it was a Ciceronian influence at the court of Julius that stimulated the transformation of what might have been merely a collection of famous poets into an essentially Greek theme that sought, as surely did its neighbor, the School of Athens, to demonstrate the unity and assimilation of the literary and musical arts as part of an Fic. 4. - Pindar, portrait from Aphrodisias, bearing an inscription, overall and governing Pythagorean doctrine that ca. Sth c. A.D. Photo R.R.R. Smith. derived from the mainstream of Greek thought as it was admired in the Renaissance. Although Aristotle suggested, in his Poetics, strongly resemble each other; all of them show a that drama - with its constituent plots, episodes, middle-aged man with a distinctly narrow face and structures — was an important part of his view and distinctly curly hair (none of them is bald) of poetry!*, his few remarks about Aeschylus and a curly beard?°. None of them resembles the would not seem to merit Raphael’s selection, on old man to the right of Raphael’s painting. this basis, of this dramatist for a major role in a Though as the inventor of iambic poetry Archiscene dedicated to exalting the rarified atmosphere of Mount Parnassus. Although Aeschylus lochus might seem somewhat more appropriate for induction to the lofty assemblage of Parnassian lived into his 60s, he was not particularly old poets, several problems would seem to quarrel when he died. We do not know that he played the with this identification. In the first place, the dates lyre'®, Parnassus was not of particular importance of this ancient Greek poet's life are unknown as in any known works by him, and Apollo, while was (in the Renaissance) also his age?!, There a character in one of his plays, does not appear would to have had a unique importance for him!?. With senting him, in contrast to all the others, as a disthus be no particular reason for reprerespect to what can be deduced of his appearance, tinctly elderly man with white hair. In addition Greek literary sources suggest that Aeschylus was his work, known to us only in fragments, was no bald in his maturity'®. Few statues of Aeschylus better known by Renaissance humanists. It conare recorded in antique literature and no portrait tains little that would express a special link to of him with his name inscribed has survived!?. Apollo; the suggestion that his elegiac epigrams Portraits now thought to represent Aeschylus all were sung to the flute (rather than to the lyre)

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS would seem to discredit him further from the enthrough that of Suetonius, or through inscribed tourage of the Parnassus’. coins. Horace is an even less likely candidate as the There is, on the other hand, every reason to bewhite haired old man for Horace, as Renaissance lieve that the grand old seated figure is Pindar. the humanists knew, died in his mid 50’s. Humanists also knew that Horace was short and fat and that greatest lyric poet of Greece. One of the few ancient he had a big belly**. Surviving inscribed antique can in part be dated by the athletic events he celportraits of Horace show him as very different ebrated, there is a consistent tradition that he lived from the aged poet in Raphael's painting: he is to be eighty years old. Raphael's majestic elderly poets known to have lived a very long life which much more youthful, with a small narrow face and poet could well be of this age. The shine of his senpointed chin; his hair is cut short and he is beardsuous, full lips suggests the antique tradition noting less?*. Renaissance researchers, including Raphael that bees had deposited wax or honey on them dur- (for Vasari tells us that Raphael sent draughtsmen ing his youth*®, The bearded elder also resembles all over Italy and as far as Greece to gather visual the only surviving inscribed antique portrait known information)”. surely knew very well what Hoto be Pindar (fig. 4)°”. Both have strong squarish race looked like through his own description, faces, prominent brows, strong highly modulated cheekbones, large lips, and a short, shaggy, squarecut beard that continues along the sides of the head and over the upper lip. A number of other copies of this type are known”. Nor is Raphael's painted figure dissimilar to a large Hellenistic statue of a seated poet, whose partially surviving inscription suggests him to be Pindar?”. Seated with one leg advancing forward of the other, this figure is believed to have held a lyre. A painted example of this type, believed to be Pindar, survives in a fresco at Pompei*”. Raphael’s poet also resembles another antique sculpture of a seated figure that has similar powerful proportions and similar vigorous internally inspired movement and, as well, a highly structured face. This figure was for a long time believed to represent Pindar (fig. 5). Although Greek sculptors frequently chose the seated position for poets, the representation of Pindar in a sealed position would be particularly appropriate for he is associated in antique literature with a chair. Pausanias describes a famous chair near the hearth in the Temple at Delphi which was believed to be the very one in which Pindar sat while composing his songs to Apollo”. Though no evidence suggests that Raphael knew these particular antique portraits which are known to us today, they show that the Hellenistic world was familiar with images of this poet, and they all Fic. 5. - Pindur? Copenhagen. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Photo museum, represent a type that is consistent with Raphacl's image.

Early printed editions of Pindar’s works sug- More significantly, perhaps, Raphael appears to gest that no particular bust of Pindar was well have lavished a particular attention to the position known in the Renaissance, for their engraved decand gesture of the elderly poet that suggests he orations and frontispieces lack a portrait of the would have been instantly recognizable to a conpoet?*. The earliest engraved portrait known to noisseur through the fact that he acts out his this writer appears in a 1744 edition of Pindar poetic personality in much the same way that Sapprinted in Glasgow (fig. 6)**. Though its frontispho was endowed by her creator with a visible piece engraving is surely based on an eighteenth ‘soul’. The active turbulence of the monumental century sculpture, the same overhanging brow, male form that balances the mellifluous harmony small ears, prominent lips, and surrounding beard of the movement of his compositional counterpart, that follows to the upper lip of a highly structured Sappho, to the left suggests the transcription of face suggest that the eighteenth century idea of a literary, poetic. idiom into tangible visible form. Pindar was based on a model or idealized type Indeed, not dissimilar from that of Raphael's painted radiance of this figure bring to mind the exuberant ‘portrait’ and not dissimilar from the sculptures and turbulent poetic personality of this ancient now known or once believed to be Pindar. There lyric poet known throughout antiquity for his brilthe powerful splendor and majestic is clearly a consistency in the type of bearded liant metaphor and the dazzling grandeur of his older man, surely the type to which Bellori had eloquence. The relaxed position of the aged poet's referred in citing the resemblance of Raphael's aged lower torso contrasts with the sudden activation poet to a sculpture of Pindar that was well known of his upper body, suggesting the bold changes and sudden transitions that are characteristic of his poetic expression. So also the passionate torsion of his body suggests the fiery and swift forces that characterize his pungent aphorisms and the powerful spirituality of his phraseologies. It calls to mind the thunderous undulations of his language - fleet, passionate, and thrilling — that constitute the main features of the irregular temper of the poetic rhythms of which he was the inventor and unique master. The abrupt torsion, deep concentration, and strong solemnity of the movement and gesture of the aged poet in the painting suggest, in the same way that the musicality of the pose of Sappho characterizes the melodious contrapuntal energies of the flowing rhythmic sequences of her language, no poet other than Pindar. Indeed, in the Renaissance Horace's adulation for Pindar’s language, which he considered beyond the range of imitation, was well known: “Like a river from the mountains rushing down, which the rains have swollen above its wonted banks, so does Pindar seethe and, brooking no restraint, rush on with deep-toned voice...”°*. While Fic. 6. — Pindar, frontispiece of Omnia Pindari quae extant, Horace's image of Pindar as a tempestuous flood edited in Glasgow, 1744. Photo Library of Congress, Washington. reflects Pindar's descriptive metaphors

CiA n LFPiuronp “nd u'. PINDAR ON PARNASSUS (‘rushing’, ‘boisterous’, ‘rugged’, ‘passionate’, 69 had first suggested that Apollo might play a less ‘strong-spirited’, ‘streaming’, ‘burning’), it would primitive role in serving as an inspiration to the also appear to mirror Pindar’s own frequent use youth of Greece**. The avenging nature of this of water imagery - especially that of the ‘overgod is further diminished in the Homeric Hymns flowing’ sea, ‘raging’ rains, showers, hail, storms, to Apollo, which celebrate his human life and the and thunder - an imagery that was well appreciorigins of his religious cult**. It was Pindar, howated in antiquity?”. Horace's description of Pindar ever, who discovered the intelligence and grace as the triumphant poet of Apollo, well known and of Apollo and endowed him with the exalted pofrequently quoted in the early CinquecentoTM, sition of redeemer of mankind. Though Apollo did paints a complex of characteristics of this exubenot replace his father, Zeus, in the divine hierrant personality suddenly aroused from his reclinarchy, he became the intercessor to Zeus for the ing position as a magnificent river god at the foot human race. Through Apollo, in his ‘reincarnation’ of the Castalian Spring. as the Delphic ideal, the civilized arts were taught Indeed the Castalian Spring of Mount Parnasto man. Thus men learned to function according to sus is frequently invoked by Pindar in order to moral law based on the advice of Apollo. Far from suggest the soothing magic of the sublime world fearing the shooting arrows of an avenging angry that is Parnassus; it may well be what Horace god, mankind was now urged to seek counsel! and meant in praising the ‘Pindaric spring’”?. Beside moderation in life; indeed it is Apollo’s music that the water of Castalia, according to Pindar, is Apolgives rhythm and lo’s home, and the stream is the fountain of his world, characteristics triumphs; through its flow the eternal and sublime appreciated value inspired by the passing occasion of an athsuspicion letic triumph is exalted. Pindar*. Though Pindar drew deeply on by regularity that to a would law-abiding later be much Plato who despite his professed of poets expressed his admiration for Homer and The new Apollo created by the lofty imagiother more ancient writers for his materials, he is nation of Pindar became an ideal god who comthe master inventor of a rich new form of narbined rative poetry that reshaped ancient ideas through worldly its thrilling and swift use of imagery. At the center sublime eloquence with human consideration. The spiritual beauty intelligence with with physical idealistic beauty, purity, and of his most passionate homage is the god who primitive god had now evolved to become a reloved Castalia and his splendent and perfect divine being who bestowed music, a music that soothed the souls of the other endless gifts to his human protégés and gave man who from there made gods and, in so doing, also the souls of men*®, nobility. Among the many gifts with which he en- Perhaps the greatest invention of Pindar, beyond dowed mankind were not only sweetness, force, the splendor of his language and imagery and the courage, and immortality, versatility of techniques for which he came to be music. And it was through his guidance that a poet but also poetry and so justly famous, is his idea of Apollo as the great such as himself could be inspired to express the unifier, Not only did the divine beauty of Apollo glory of the court and to counsel kings through inspire divine the athlete with force and courage to inspiration. First proclaimed by Pindar achieve victory; but this victory becomes symhimself in describing the inferiority of acquired bolic of the victory of mankind as a civilized skill to native genius, the importance of sacred being through the radiant gifts of Apollo. For Pinrevelation for authorizing and inspiring poetic acdar, Apollo is the origin and symbol of all civitivity was later to be taken up by Plato, Virgil, lization. While in Homeric myths Apollo, who Dante, and others. It would eventually become the was merely one of many gods, was a terrifying motto in the sign held aloft by the personification divinity who through the violence of his arrows of Poetry in the ceiling of the Stanza della Segexpressed his power and anger over men*!, Hesiod natura, NUMINE AFFLATUR“.

There can be no doubt that Apollo was the faand Apollo played it with a plectrum as noted by vorite god of Pindar. It was Pindar who made Pindar, leading the chorus of Muses - as the re- Apollo the founder and protector of the State, an vised painting by Raphael shows. Pindar, too, interpretation often credited to Cicero”. In his played Apollo's instrument, the seven ‘toned’ lyre, greater role as father of mankind, Apollo rules and sang to its music, as he himself frequently over the world from the sun which expresses his describes in his poetry and as ancient authors had radiance in the rays of light it spreads over the noted in works that were well known in the Reworld. The golden light in which the sun god naissance°®. Indeed, Pindar's great odes, designed appears is suggested in the poetic afflatus of Pinto be sung to the accompaniment of the music of dar’s imagery: it is also suggested in praises of the lyre, made him the greatest lyric poet of Greece the ‘golden light of the sun’, and described as and were widely acknowledged in antiquity’. Apollo's glory shining down over the earth**, Apollo expresses not his vengefulness, but rather Because the seven strings of the lyre symbolized Platonic cosmology, as known through the his beneficial role in which he presides, like the Timaeus {the book held by Plato in the School of sun that maintains order in the heavens, over the Athens, the fresco to the right of the Parnassus) forces that regulate the universe*”. Accompanied and reflected in the speculations of Cicero and by the Muses, he distributes peace and prosperity Macrobius, the symbolism of this number had to mankind through music”. Even the warlike come thunderbolt, Zeus, is spellbound and tempered by philosophers who derived from Plato and Aristotle Apollo’s music”. (who were both considered to be Pythagoreans), Apollo’s role in the divine structure of the to be very important to Neopythagorean and from Pythagoras himself, all of whom are universe thereby becomes central and this in turn main leads to his other role — as a unifier, a role implicit Through the music of the seven-stringed lyre the characters in harmony the School in the Pythagorean explanation of the etymology Pythagorean of his name, A-Pollo, or Alpha (denying) - Pollo from the movement of the seven planets, was ex- (multiplicity). As Plato first explained in the Crapressed””. Thus the Greek literary tradition that tylus and Plutarch and the Pythagoreans later re- Apollo, who was the god central to Pythagoreanbelieved universe, derived affirmed, the name Apollo refers to Oneness and ism Unity which, through the harmony of music, Apolnamed after Pythian Apollo), was born lo brought to the world*?, (Pythagoreans of the of Athens”. Pythagoras was ‘on the seventh day of the month’ was of great importance. The homage of Pindar to the music of Apollo The principal feast days of Apollo fell on the is paid in the special tribute he accords to the lyre. Not only is the lyre the instrument of Apollo and seventh of any given monthTM. Aeschylus referred to Apollo as the ‘Commander of Sevens’®!. Pluthe Muses, but it was invented by Apollo, as Pinlarch, in the De E apud Delphos, says that the dar well knew53, Again and again, the spiritual number seven power of its music is set forth by Pindar, who in elsewhere he links Pindar with Pythagoras°”. Long the first Pyrhian Ode, perhaps his greatest Apolbefore, as noted above, Pindar had celebrated in lonian masterpiece, contrasts the peace, harmony, song the golden lyre of Apollo with its seven order, and regularity evoked by its phrases to the strings. The greatest gift Apollo could bestow on is consecrated to Apollo, while chaos, destruction, and horror of the eruption of those who expressed piety to him was, according Mount Etna which had occurred just prior to his to Pindar, to be allowed to die on the seventh day own visit to Sicily and whose devastation he sureof the month®; similarly Pindar refers to the ly knew personally*. The ‘golden lyre’ of Apollo seven had seven strings, as Cicero and especially Macderived from Apollo’s teachings, the first two of robius had discussed well which were engraved on his temple at Delphi*, known in late medieval and Renaissance times, In this light, it might be well to reconsider Popein works that were ‘maxims’ attributed to seven sages,

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS Hennessy’s rather exotic hypothesis that the seven dominates the design. This triangle is formed by laurel trees in Raphael’s Parnassus symbolize the the three protagonists, Pindar. Apollo, and Sapseven gifts of the Holy Ghost. Quite clearly this pho. In order to assert his level as above that of is not the case. Rather it was most affectionately mere mortals, Apollo was raised higher in the deas well as archaeologically appropriate, as early sign where, in fact, he forms the apex of the Cinquecento eruditi well knew, to represent the triangle. Pythagoras was perhaps most famous for number of laurels, the tree sacred to Apollo, as his supposed invention of a theorem based on this seven. geometrical form, whereby the square of the hy- Pindar’s special attachment to Apollo was repotenuse of a right triangle is equal to the sum flected not only in the fact that Apollo serves as of the squares of the two sides. The Pythagorean the for the celebratory triangle thus formed is not equilateral; its sides ideas expressed in Pindar’s odes; the sublime god fountain of inspiration are balanced and balancing, with the apex occurof order and divine harmony was also extolled in ring at the top. above the hypotenuse”. The Pyat least one Hymn, several Paeans, and in his Prothagorean triangle was well known through the cessional Songs“. Pindar's unique admiration for works of antique writers. Plutarch noted that its Apollo is also reflected in the historical character central point, or apex, was called ‘Apollo’; and of this greatest ancient master of choral lyric, for Piotinus noted the triangle as an example of multihe records with pride the fact that his own birth plicity in one (the meaning, as described above, occurred at the time of the celebration of the Pyof A-pollo)”!, Through his readings of Plutarch thian festival at Delphi, a date now widely acand Proclus, Marsilio Ficino had translated the cepted as his actual birth date, in 518 B.C.9”. In triangle described by these writers as the “beaunumerous tiful” triangle into the isosceles triangle which, for places, but especially in the sixth Paean, Pindar describes Apollo's shrine at Delphi him, provided the key to the mathematics of Plato as his spiritual home; indeed the time he spent as representative of the Pythagorean tradition. For there is underlined by Pausanias, who described Ficino the unique role of the triangle in Pythaa famous relic he saw near the hearth of the gorean geometry and the Platonic viewpoint lay temple — the very chair (mentioned above) in in its dominant unity as expressed in the One of which Pindar sat while composing his songs to its apex (which in turn reflected the greatest Apollo. Pausanias also describes offerings of fresh triangle of all, the Trinity)’. fruit that were shared between Pindar and Apollo This is precisely the relationship worked out by the Delphians, and he refers to a sculpture of in the revised design of the Parnassus by Raphael, the votive offerings of Pindar near a sculpture of which depends on the isosceles triangle. Apollo Apollo in the Temple of Artemis at Thebes. Thus forms its center as well as its greatest height, and we may surmise that, perhaps because of the speits sides form an esoteric balance in a unity which cial circumstances of his birth, Pindar found himholds the physical and the conceptual together. Inself uniquely attached to Apollo who through his deed, the isosceles triangle was endowed, accordmusic occupies a central place not only in Pining to Ficinian interpretations of the Pythagorean dar’s thought but also, as Pindar describes him theorem, with geometrical power that related to (“O Phoebus...thou that lovest the Castalian fount the intellectual realm which, in turn, reflected harof Parnassus mayest thou be willing to make...this monic proportions of Pythagorean music theory land a land of noble men”), on Parnassus next according to which the contemplation of harmonto the Castalian spring where Pindar himself is ia begins with sensible objects and ascends to the placed in Raphael's painting. contemplation of intelligible causes. Ficino's The centrality and oneness of Apollo is exmetaphoric use of the Pythagorean triangle dempressed, in Raphael’s composition, in the triangle onstrates that it could be used to transfer meaning that - in the composition as revised by Raphael — from one level to another; thus the cosmic corres-

pondence of poetry and music under the direction The Pythagorean doctrine about the music of of Apollo in Raphael’s painting suggests a veil the spheres is thus consistent with the revision of through which connections and truths are revealed — an expressive form with, in 1510, an established Raphael’s composition of the Parnassus. Interest esoteric meaning”. Renaissance, especially in the late Quattrocento If this hypothesis is correct, one might well in Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism was high in the works of Ficino (who translated the works of Plowonder if the role of Sappho in a design so tinus as well as those of Plato) and Pico della Mirstrictly related to the role and position of Apollo andola (whose works constantly referred to his is merely dependent on the fact that she played indebtedness to the ‘Pythagoreans’, whose Hepthe lyre and was considered the inventor of lyric poetry. Indeed, there is significant additional taplus was divided into seven books each containreason to connect Sappho with Apollo as Neoing seven chapters, and whose library contained the works of numerous Pythagorean authors). Not pythagoreans poems only did the immortality that they affirmed have which are now, as they were in the Renaissance, strong Platonic antecedents, its oldest literary exknown through fragments or through their quopressions were also known’?. well knew. In several tation by subsequent antique authors, Sappho As Jérôme Carcopino suggested in his study of confesses that her joy in the beauty of the world Sappho’s suicide in the context of Roman Pythawas evoked by her love of the sun. As Pindar goreanism, Sappho was precocious in her hope was later to do, she equated divinity with brightthat she would be saved by Apollo®®. For in her ness and light’*. Since in the Renaissance view time Apollo, who was still a fearsome and aveng- Pythagoreans were identified with a heliocentric ing divinity, had not yet taken on the charactercosmology”5, it is therefore not surprising that istics of universal savior of mankind as he would Pythagoreans saw a harmonious couple in Sapbe invoked and described in the following century pho and Pindar. Indeed, an antique tradition by Pindar. After Pindar's time, Apollo’s gift of existed for the representation of the two in the music to mankind would be considered to include same context’, the spirit of harmony on earth, peace and obefact well dience to law, and the healing and saving arts®". known in the Renaissance, especially since the Thus Sappho’s action could well be considered, Perhaps more significant was a publication in 1481 of a commentary on Sappho as also Pindar's exaltation of this divinity, to acby Angelo Poliziano”?, This work, based on the cord with the Pythagorean concentration on the account of Sappho’s death provided by Ovid in various purifications and gifts attributed to the the Heroides, describes, as Pausanias and Strabo new Apollo. Like Sappho, Pindar believed in imhad also described, and Menander before all of mortality as the gift of divinity, and in the rewards them, Sappho’s leap - occasioned by her disthat awaited mankind after death®?. The pleasures tress over the loss of Phaon - from the top of of Elysium, first described by Pindar, were rethe famous Leucadian cliff. The top of this cliff flected in Roman funeral traditions which were was a sanctuary of Apollo and at the site of her inspired by Roman poetic descriptions of life after leap stood a temple of Apollo. Praising the light death, a concept that Virgil had borrowed, as of day, Sappho stood on the cliff as the dawning Franz Cumont has shown, from Pindar*, The cult rays of the sun came over the land, contemplatof the sun, and of Apollo - who as Cicero made ing her death and contemplating her eventual quite clear was the sun for the Greeks — together rescue (and therefore her immortality) by Apolwith that of the Muses, would allow the soul of lo. As she prepared to leap, she consecrated herman, Pindar exulted, to reach the upper sunlight self to Apollo with a special verse citing the for all future time; thus the blessed would reach closeness of her bond with Apollo and her gift eternal happiness just as the passion of the palesof her lyre to him’. tra would follow heroes to the true glory of their

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS future life®*, Thus Virgil, a poet recognized in anprinted in Rome. It was commissioned by none tiquity as being reliant on the influence of Pindar, noted that it is the sun which warms the Elysian Fields, the blessed land of the dead, a concept other than Agostino Chigi, well known to us through the writings of Vasari as a dear friend and major patron of Raphael®?. which was, in turn, to influence future Roman Together known in Rome as players of Apollo's poets®°. For many reasons, including this one, it instrument, the lyre, Sappho and Pindar fit well is not surprising that Pindar was regarded as a into an interpretation that contrasts their poetic poet of lofty genius by ancient Roman writers®®, style — the one fluent and melodious, the other Interest quicked in in the early work of Sappho Renaissance times had been since the publication of Poliziano’s commentary on Ovid's rugged and turbulent — and counterparts in a geometrical makes them true counterpoint far more esoteric than merely a grouping of famous epistola in 1481%7. Pindar, however, was well poets. The deeply known through late medieval manuscripts since work shows that Raphael took the care to have the twelfth century, of which over 142 are extant. the protagonists act out their poetry. The lasting thoughtful planning of this Interest in Pindar continued through the Quatfame thus conferred on these two lofty lyric poets trocento of the Archaic Age has thereby been ensured on the frescoed Parnassus. (when Aurispa and Francesco Filelfo brought manuscripts of Pindar to Italy from Constantinople). In the early decades of the fifteenth It also demonstrates an appreciation for Greek century Pindar was valued for his wealth of metapoets as having been the first to praise as perfect phor and the effulgence of the divine as they saw it reepithet. Pindar was well known to for two manuscripts of his flected in the world”. While central to Pythagoreworks were in the Vatican library of Nicholas V anism as it was known in antiquity, this notion while eight were in the library of Sixtus IV. In would Parma was Quattrocento and early Cinquecento Italy when printed in 1492. In 1506 Raffaello Maffei, a schothe sun was accorded a special importance which Roman humanists, a Latin edition of Pindar's Odes assume even more significance in late lar of Greek who was in the Curia of Julius II, resulted in astrological poetry (which spoke of the expressed great admiration for the work of Pindar. centrality of the sun) and scientific discovery (in This occurred shortly before the planning of the which Copernicus expressed his debt to Pythago- Stanza della Segnatura was undertaken. It was imras)”!. Thus, Pindar fits perfectly into the Neopymediately followed by a great acceleration of interest in Pindar in Cinquecento Rome, which saw thagorean scheme of Raphael’s Parnassus. The beauty and oneness of music and poetry is enover thirteen printings of Pindar’s works as well gaged and recognized under the authority of Apolas numerous imitations of his poetic style. The lo, the sun god and leader of harmony in the editio princeps of Pindar was printed in Venice universe, In this sense, the Parnassus fresco may in 1513, shortly after the execution of Raphael's also be considered a Renaissance hymn to Apollo Parnassus; it was to be immediately followed by in the Golden Age of Julius II. As Virgil had forethe editio secunda, which was the first to include seen in his vision of the new Golden Age, “tuus the scholia of Pindar, published in Rome only two iam regnat Apollo””. years later. This work, dedicated to Leo X, has C.J.-G. the distinct honor of being the first Greek book NOTES Grateful thanks are here expressed to R.R.R. Smith and Flemming Johansen for assistance with the archaeology of Pindaric statuary. Professor Smith kindly provided the photograph here published as Fig. 4. Appreciation is also extended to David Craven who kindly read this manuscript in preliminary draft.

I. PLotinus, Third Ennead, 1, trans. Steven MACKENNA, 13. Paul Watson, “To Paint Poetry: Raphael on Parnasin Plotinus, The Enneads (1917-30), London, 2nd rev. ed.. sus”, Renaissance Rereadings Intertext and Context, ed. M.C. 1991, 154, On the influence of the thought of Plotinus see Horowitz, A.J. Cruz, and W.A. Furman, Urbana and Chicago, A.H. ARMSTRONG, Plotinus, London, 1953, esp. 11-51. The im- 1988, 119. portance of Plotinus in the Renaissance is discussed by Michael J.B. Allen in a recent work on Marsilio Ficino, who 14. Beck, loc. cit. The text on this is the same as that of the earlier edition of the same work (New York, 1973). was profoundly indebtcd to Plotinus and whose Enneads he 15. ARISTOTLE, Poetics. See esp. Bk. VI. translated and analyzed in the Plotini Enneades, published in 16. The literature on this dramatist is vast. On his life and Florence in 1492. See ALLEN, Nuptial Arithmetic: Marsilia works see esp. Herbert W. SMYTH, “Introduction”, in Aeschy- Ficino's Commentary on the Fatal Number in Book VII of lus, Plato's Republic, Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1994, Aeschylean Tragedy, Berkeley, 1924; and Bruno SNELL. Aiesp. 40-43 and 116. schylos und das Handein im Drama, Leipzig. 1928. London and New York, 1922, esp. xii-xxxiii: ID., 17. In The Seven Against Thebes the action of the play 2. See, c.g., the most recent description of this fresco in James Beck, Raphael, New York, 1994, 88. I. revolves around a prophecy-warning of Apollo; but he does 3. The probability that compositional drawings existed is not appear in the play in which the characters, essentially, act underlined by a study for this scene (showing the figures as oul the circumstances that fulfill the warning. Only in the Euyet unclothed) now in Oxford, at the Ashmolean Museum. The menides is Apollo a major character, though he appears as a drawing, believed to be a copy after Raphael. is reproduced representative of Zeus: yet in this play his role is less importin John Pope-HENNESSY, Raphael: The Wrightsman Lectures, ant than that of Pallas (Athena). New York, 1970, 96. 18. On this see Giscla M.A. RICHTER, The Portraits of the 4. The instrument played by Apollo in this fresco has seven Greeks, I, London, 1965, 121; and Ssytu, op. cit. (1922), xxiii. strings and not nine as Beck still holds (foc. cir.) following his 1973 text. Despite the muddled repainting of the strings, 19. On the character and appearance of Aeschylus and recorded portraits of him see RICHTER. op. cif., 121-22. 20. RICHTER, op. cit.. fig. 577-97. which might have given the impression that there were nine of them, that there were meant to be exactly seven is clear 21. The dates of Archilochus are unknown, though he is from the number of keys on the instrument (each key is atgenerally regarded as having been active in the mid 7th century B.C. The disputes of ancient authorities on his dates are tached to the string that it governs). 5. See Christiane L. JOOST-GAUGIER, “Sappho, Apollo, Neopythagorean Theory, and Numine Afflatur in Raphael's Fresco of discussed in F. JacoBY, “The Date of Archilochus", Classical Quarterly, XXXV, 1941, 97-109. the Parnassus”, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, CXXI, Oct. 1993, 123-34. 22. R.R. BOLGAR (The Classical Heritage and its Benefi- 6. Giorgio Vasari, La terza et ultima parte delle vite degli ciaries, Cambridge, 1963, 75) notes him as one of the classical architettori pittori et scultori, Florence, 1550, 645; and ID., authors whose work (fragments) was known in Byzantium. The Le vite de più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architetiori (1568), circumstances of the life of Archilochus were largely legendary ed. Gaetano Milanesi, Florence, IV, 1879, 334-35. While some in Renaissance times as they remained until the discovery durhave suggested (e.g. John A. Crowe and G.B. CAVALCASELLE, ing the 1950s and 1960s of a series of inscribed slabs which in Raphael, 1, London, 1882, 77) that Vasari was working from have somewhat increased our knowledge about this poet who, Marcantonio Raimondi's engraving and not from the original, it now appears, most probably did not invent iambic poetry this suggestion must be discounted. Clearly, Vasari was workafter all. On this see the best biography of this poel, that of ing from the original (final) painting, for Sappho is included Anne P. BURNETT, in Three Archaic Poets, Cambridge (Mass.), 1983, esp. in his description. 15-54. The classic editions of the fragments are 7. Giovanni Pietro BELLORI, Descrizione delle immagini dithose of Amédée HAUVETTE-BESNALLT, Archiloque, sa vie et pinte da Raffaelle d'Urbino nel Palazzo Vaticano... (1695), ses poésies, Paris, 1905; and François LASSERRE, Les épodes Rome, 1751, 55. d’Archiloque, Paris, 1950. A more recent edition with com- 8. Gottfried HooGEWERFF, “A Pie" del Parnaso”, Bollettino mentary is that of Francesco Bossi, Studi su Archiloco, Bari, d'Arte, Ser. 11, 1926 (1), 4; and /d., “La Stanza della Segna- 1990. The possibility that Archilochus played the flute is sugtura, osservazioni e commenti”, Atri della Pontificia Accadegested by the comments of C. Maurice Bowra in Greek Lyric mia Poetry, 2nd rev. ed., Oxford, 1961, 14 and [p., “Archilochus”, Romana di Archeologia, Ser. III, Rendiconti, XXHI, in Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. N.G.L. Hammond and H.H. 1947-49, 326. 9. Luitpold Dusster, Raffael: kritisches Verzeichnis der Scullard. 2nd ed., Oxford. 1970, 98. 23. Horace died in 8 B.C., in his 57th year. In two letters Gemälde. Wandbilder und Bildteppiche, Munich, 1966, 84. 10. Luisa BECHERUCCI, “Raffaclio e la pittura", in Raffaello, ed. Mario Salmi, I, Novara, 1968, 112. Epicuri de grege porcum" (Epistle 1.1V.16), and “maiores pin- Il. John POPE-HENNESSY, op. cit., cf. 146 and 147. 12. Roger Jones and Nicholas Haven and London, 1983, 72. Penny. Horace described himself as short and fat: “cum ridere voles. Raphael, nas New nido extendisse loqueris... corporis exigui...” (Epistle 1.XX.21 and 24), quoted from Horace Satires. Epistles and Ars Poetica, ed. H.R. FaircLoucn, London and Cambridge

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS (Mass.), 1939. This physical self-description is clearly corropoets and philosophers. On this see RICHTER, op. cit. (1965), borated by Suetonius in a surviving vita of Horace from the 143 and fig. 783. De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, a work well known in the 15th 30. Karl SCHEFOLD. Vergessenes Pompeji, Munich. 1962, century through numerous manuscripts and now believed to fig. 57.2. See also a similar example, also believed by Schefold have formed part of a larger work entitled De Viris fllustribus. to represent Pindar, in ibid, fig. 58.1. Suetonius described Horace as short and fat: “Habitu corporis fuit brevis atque obesus...” and as having a big belly (“ut cir- Copenhagen, was discovered in 1835 in the excavations of a 31. This figure, now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in cuitus voluminis tui sit... sicut est ventriculi tui” — supposedly Roman country villa at Monte Calvo in the Sabine Mountains quoted from a letter by Augustus). See Vita Horati, in SUETOand acquired in 1897 from the Villa Borghese in Rome. On nius, Tf, ed. J.C. RoLre, London and New York, 1930, 488. this see Vagn POULSEN. Les Portraits grecs {Publications de On Horace sce esp. Eduard FRAENKEL. Horace (1957), Oxford, la Glyptothèque Ny Carlsberg, n. 5), Copenhagen, 1954, 77-79 1980. and Pls. XXVI-XXIX (who considered it to possibly represent 24. See the medal, now in Rome. reproduced in A. SENA Archilochus); SCHEFOLD, Die Bildnisse der antiken Dichter CHIESA. “Orazio”, in Enciclopedia dell'arte antica classica e Redner und Denker, Basel, 1943, 138-39 and nn. (as Pindar); orientale, V, Rome, 1963, 708; another medal is reproduced RICHTER, op. cit, (1965). 144 and figs. 231-32 (as Pindar). in Johann Jacob BERNOULLI, Römische Ikonographie, I. Hildes- Since the discovery of the inscribed bust of Pindar in the exheim, 1969, Plate Münztaf. V. fig. 116. Bernoulli discusses cavations at Aphrodisias (see n. 27 supra) this sculpture is no Horace’s small stature and dark hair (ibid., 250-52). The small longer believed to represent Pindar. In a letter to the author, Flemming Johansen. The Director of the Copenhagen Glyptostature agrees with Suetonius (who does not mention dark tek, suggests it might be Archilochus (letter to the author dated hair). Cf. n. 23 supra. 25. VASARI, op. cit. (1568), IV. 339, 361 and 384. 26. In describing the tomb of Pindar, PAUSANIAS ciles the June 30, 1992). Because of the resemblance of this type of pose and that of Raphael's figure Archilochus was therefore old age of Pindar in Description of Greece 1X.23,3. On this considered in this author’s deliberations. tradition see John SANDYS, The Odes of Pindar Including the 32. PAUSANIAS, op. cit., X.24.5. È Principal Fragments, ed. John Sandys, London and New York, 33. Neither the editio princeps, printed in 1513, or the edi- 1919. “Introduction”, esp. xiv-xvi. Lewis R. FARNELL, The tio secundo, printed in 1515, contain a portrait of the author, Works of Pindar Translated with Literary and Critical Comthough both editions contain engraved decorations. (On these ments, London, 1930, 368; and C. Maurice Bowra, The Odes sce n. 88 infra). Both editions, however, quote Horace's praise of Pindar, Baltimore, 1969, ix and xi. See also the interpreof Pindar (Horace, Ode IV.II) in lieu of a frontispiece. tation of Pindar’s Nem. 11 by John Finley, who sees it as evi- 34. This Greek edition of Pindar [Omnia Pindari quae exdence of Pindar's extreme age (John FINLEY, Jr., Pindar and tant} was printed in Glasgow by Robert Foulis. A copy of it Aeschylus, Cambridge (Mass.), 1955. 76). For a description of is in the Library of Congress at Washington, D.C. the bees covering Pindar’s lips with honey or wax see Pau- SANIAS, op. cit., IX.23.2-3. 35. See n. 7 supra. 36. Horace, Ode 1V.11,5-9. 27. On this portrait see esp. R.R.R. SMITH, “Late Roman 37. See, e.g., a Greek epigram from a statue of Pindar that Philosopher Portraits from Aphrodisias”, in The Journal of reads: “Cyrus set up Pindar beside the water, because singing Roman Studies, LXXX, 1990, 127-55, esp. 132-35 and pls. VI to the lyre he said, "Water is best". (Greek Anthology IX.809) and VII. My appreciation is here expressed to R.R.R. Smith for Trans. by W.R. Paton, Greek Anthology, III, London and New being so kind as to share one of his photographs, which is York, 1925, 437, here reproduced. On this portrait see also RICHTER, op. cit., 38. See n. 33 supra. rev. ed. R.R.R. Smith, Ithaca, 39. Pindar’s reverence for the Castalian 1984. 178. The sculpture is from the late Roman period, dated by Smith as ca. early Sth Spring is expressed in a number of his odes. See, e.g., Py1h.1.39 and V31. century and it was found in recent excavations of a Neopla- Nem.V1.38 and X1.24, and Paean VI.8. That the Castalia was tonic academy in the Greek Aphrodisias, near Caria (Turkey). commemorated Smith regards this sculpture as a version of a well-known Oly.1V.17. The term “Pindaric spring’ (“Pindarici fontis”) is classical portrait type which can only now be correctly identused by Horace in Epistle 111.10. in a fountain at Delphi is suggested in ified by this inscribed example. He points out the correct 40. See, e.g., Pinbar, Pyeh.l. In this ode Pindar praises identification of this classical Pindar type is of major importthe power and beauty of the lyre and, through it, the god of ance for the history of classical portraiture in classical as the lyre, Apollo. well as late antique times. 28. Perhaps the best of about five copies is the bust in the Capitoline Museum, Stanza dei Filosofi, no. 60 (on this see RICHTER-SMITH, op. cit. (1984), 177. 41. See, e.g.. HOMER. fliad, V.432-60. On the Homeric Apollo see Georges DUMEZIL, Apollon Sonare, Paris, 1982, 7479 and passim. 42. See, e.g.. Hesion, Theogony 94-98 and 347-48. 29. This sculpture, which is over life size was found in 43. Homeric Hymn Ul (To Delian Apollo) describes the 1831 at Memphis (Egypt) along with portrait statues of other birth of Apollo (who is stil] the ‘far shooter’ before whom

even the gods tremble) and his delight in music. Homeric and the sun are the same, an argument that would be taken Hymn Hi (To Pythian Apollo) describes the invention of the up by Plotinus and other Pythagoreans. Cf. PLUTARCH, De E lyre by Apollo who although still a mighty and fearsome god apud Delphos, 393C and 394A, where he defines the name as now begins to play his lyre stepping high and followed by Meaning the abjuration of multiplicity and symbolizing one the Muses. Here is recorded his founding of a temple site set and one alone or unity simple and pure, and also 1D., De {side in a woodland glen on Mount Parnassus — which becomes the et Osiride, 381F with PLotinus, Fifth Ennaead, V, where Ploplace of his worship as Pythian Apollo. tinus discusses the Pythagorean concept of Apollo meaning the 44. Plato’s exclusion of poets from the ideal city of his negation of plurality or the repudiation of the multiple. True Republic (X, passim) is explained in the Phaedrus (244-65). unity, therefore, Plotinus argues, has a divine nature and is Evidently, however, Plato had read Pindar closely (for he not composed of accidents or multiplicities. quotes him on several occasions) and admired him as a moral authority and for his views on life after death. (Sce, e.g. PLATO. Republic 1.331A. 11.365B, and 111.408C; Laws 111.690.C, 1V.714E-751A, and X1.932A - alluding to Pindar). 53. Pınnar, Pyth. V.65. 54. PiNDAR, Pyth. I. The order evoked by the power of music is set forth in the opening phrases of this ode. The subsequent description of Mount Etna belching fountains of fire. 45. See esp. Pinpar, Oly. 11-84-87 and 1X.100-13, also rivers of lava, and torrents of smoke evokes the monster that Paean 1X.34. On Pindar’s views of the inferiority of acquired music is capable of holding in bondage, for it is music that technique to divine inspiration see C. Maurice BOWRA, Pindar, promotes the regulation of nature as well as the governance Oxford, 1964, esp. 3-12, and D.W. Lucas, Aristotle Poetics. Oxford. 1968, xvi. of law. 46. The idea that a poet is divinely inspired is noted by 55. See n. 4 supra, regarding the number of strings in Apollo’s lyre in Raphael's painting. This is the same number antique authors subsequent to Pindar and is an idea inherited specified by Cicero and Macrobius in their respective discusby the medieval tradition. For an interesting study of this sions of the music of the spheres. Re: bibliography on this theme see Bowra, Inspiration and Poetry (1955), Freeport. subject see JOOST-GAUGIER, art. cit. For Pindar's descriptions 1970. See also the discussion of numine ufflatur in Joost-Gauof Apollo's lyre sec, e.g., Pyth. 1.1-5, 11.68-7), and Nem. V.21- GIER, art. cit., esp. 131. 25 (which describes Apollo's plectrum as a golden quill). 47. Cf. Pinpar, Prrh. V.60-61 and Paean V1.90-91 with CICERO, De Natura Deorum. Wi.xxiii. In 1506 Raffaello 56. See, e.g.. PINDAR, Oly. V11.13-14, Pyth. 11.67-71, and Fragments 125-26 (Eulogy to Hieron of Syracuse). MAFFEI cited Cicero as his source for describing Apollo as 57. The examples are many which show that Pindar was the first custodian of Athens (Commentaria Urbana, Rome. widely respected not only by the Greeks but also by the Ro- 1506, CCCCLXXIIIv). mans. Numerous Greek epigrams testify to the high esteem of 48. See PINDAR, Nem. VI for an example of the afflatus Greeks for their countryman. See, e.g. Greek Anthology VII of his writing style and the development of his imagery. Exam- 34 and 35; IX, 184 (“Pindar, holy mouth of the Muses”), 571 ples of Apollo shining down over man are many; see, e.g., and 809; and XVI. 305. With respect to Plato's admiration for Oly. VII.S5-78, Pyth. TV.55-56, and Paean VI and IX. Pindar see n. 44 supra. See also, e.g., STRABO, Geography 49. See, e.g.. PINDAR, /sth. 11.17-18. Regarding Apollo as (which contains multiple references to Pindar); Dionysius OF the god of the sun and of light and his direction of celestial HALICARNASSUS, who regarded Pindar as an exemplary writer phenomena, see the interesting discussion of Stefos ANASTASE, and used him as an example of poctic composition (De Com- Apollon dans Pindare (diss. Univ. of Paris 1973), Athens, positione Verborum. XXII, a critical essay that was known in 1975, esp. 258-59. On Apollo in Pindar’s work sce also the [Sth and 16th centuries); HORACE, who professed that Pin- Bowra, Pindar, Oxford, 1964, passim. For an example of a dar was beyond imitation (see n. 36 supra); QUINTILIAN, who 1496 woodcut showing Apollo reigning, with his Muses, over maintained that Pindar was by far the greatest of the lyric the musical universe see S.K. HENINGER, Jr., Touches of Sweet poets of Greece for his inspired magnificence. the beauty of Harmony: Pythagorean Cosmology and Renaissance Poetics, his thought, the exuberance of his language, and the flood of San Marino (Calif.), 1974, 182. his eloquence (Institutio Oratoria X.i.61); the so-called Lox- 50. See, e.g.. PINDAR, Paean V1.54-61 and Nem. VII.11-16. GINUS, who suggested Pindar as a poet beyond comparison (On 51. And so the warlike cagle sleeps on the sceptre of Zeus the Sublime, XXX111.5);, and PLUTARCH, who has frequent (Pindar, Pyih. 1.8-13). Zeus, too, the great thunderbolt, begins praise for Pindar in the various books of the Moralia. See to become drowsy (lo the music of the golden lyre of Apollo) esp. De Musica, in which Pindar is a frequent example and and eventually falls asleep. Thus is the stern god of war None posse suaviter vivi secumdum Epicurum \102E, where soothed by the grace of Apollo and the Muses. 52. PLATO, Cratylus, 404.E-406.C explains why the name Plutarch describes Pindar as having first proposed Apollo as a god gentle to mankind. Plutarch’s frequent quotations from is appropriate to the power of the god. Plutarch, who wrote Pindar were, of course, a source of further knowledge about a (fragmentary) vita of Pindar (regarding Plutarch’s lost vita this poet for late medieval times and into the Renaissance. In of Pindar see n. 57 infra), later explained that the name Apollo addition, Plutarch authored a (now lost) vita of Pindar, of means ‘denying the many”, or unity. Thus, he argued, Apollo which only a fragment survives. For its text see Plutarch's

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS Moralia, XV, ed. F.H. Sandbach, Cambridge (Mass.) and Lonwas a constellation (The Almagest VII) as it was also for Cicsdon, 1969, 82-83. RO (De Natura Deorum II.xliv). 58. Many ancient writers, especially the Pythagorcans 60. On the birth of Apollo see HESIOD, Works and Days (e.g.. Porphyry and lamblichus) regarded the Timaeus as a Py- 770-71. Regarding this tradition and the important role of the thagorean work. It was one of the few works of Plato known number 7 in the mythology of Apollo see ANASTASE, op. cit., throughout the Middle Ages. Cicero has translated a part of 21 and 256. it but, more importantly, it was widely known through a Sth 61. Respecting the descent of Pythagoras from Pythian century (A.D.) Greek version with extensive commentary by Apollo see [AMBLICHUS, Life of Pythagoras, trans. and ed. Thothe Pythagorean philosopher ProcLus (See Commentarius in mas Taylor, London, 1818, 4-9. lamblichus explains that Py- Platonis Timaeum, E. Trewendt ed., Vratislaviae, 1847) and thagoras' earthly father (Mnesarchus) knew that his son was through a 4th century (A.D.) (partial) Latin transiation with the son of a god and in gratitude for his birth built a temple commentary by Chalcidius. Ficino's Latin transtation of this to Apollo, for he did not doubt that the soul of Pythagoras work, printed in Florence in 1484, was very influential in rewas sent to mankind from Apollo himself. Regarding Apollo establishing the importance of this work for the Renaissance. as Commander of Sevens see AESCHYLUS, The Seven Against On the significance of this work for Pythagorean doctrine and Thebes 800-01. its importance for the Renaissance see HENINGER, op. cit., esp. 62. PLUTARCH, De E apud Delphos 391 F. In discussing 21-22 and 47-49. To this discussion it should also be added the concept of time, Plutarch shows that Pindar and Pythagoras that Plato was believed to have been born on the 7th of Nohad the same point of view (Platonicae quaestiones 1007 B). vember and to have died on the same date, as Plutarch well noted in connecting Plato’s birth date with Pindar's and both of them with Apollo who, he says, was known as the "Seventhborn‘. (PLUTARCH, Quaestionum convivalium libri iii, 717B-E). Aristotle was also considered to have been a Pythagorean, 63. See esp. Pinpar, Pyth. 1170-71 and Nem. V.23-25. On .Apollo's gift to the dying see ANASTASE, op. cit., 259. 64. See the interpretation and discussion of ANASTASE in ibid., 269. 65. Pore-HENNESSY, op. cit., 139. The laurel tree was and among his lost works a treatise entitled On the Pythawidely known in antiquity as the tree sacred to Apollo. See, goreans was known. This work, which maintained there is fire e.g.. PLINY THE ELDER, Naturalis Historia XM.iii. in the center of the universe, around which the earth moved, 66. See, in addition to the Odes, among surviving fragwas mentioned by Diogenes LAERTIUS (Lives of the Eminent ments, Hymn no. 51; Paeans w. 5, 6 and 9; and Processional Philosophers, V.25) and cited by early Pythagorean philoso- Song “On Delos". phers (on this see discussion of HENINGER, op. cit., 127-28). 67. See Fragment 205 (“The Birth of Pindar"). On Pin- A Neopythagorean work printed in Rome in 1516 (Pythagore dar's record of his birth and the Pythian festival at Delphi, philosophi aurea verba, ed. Jacob Pulchridrapensis de Burgowith which it coincided, see SANDYS, op. cit. (as cited in n. francho, a copy of which is in the Folger Shakespeare Library) 26 supra), vii. includes the text of ARISTOTLE's Nichomachean Ethics, a work widely considered to be Pythagorean by Pythagoreans. 68. PAUSANIAS, Description of Greece 1X.23.3 and IX.17.2 respectively. With respect to Sappho’s piety in identifying the With respect to Pythagoras himself, he is not known to divine with the light of the sun and Pindar’s praise of the have left any writings, though a whole literature of works, divine as the radiant warmth of the sun, see Bruno SNELL, teachings, and sayings attributed to him - all understood as “Pindar’s Hymn to Zeus”, in The Discovery of Mind: The Greek ‘Pythagorean’ — developed from late Hellenistic times espe- Origins of European Thought, trans. T.G. Rosenmeyer, New cially through the works of Plotinus, Porphyry, lamblichus, York, 1960, 86-89. On the Pythagorean significance of Sapand others. Central to Pythagorean doctrine, as it developed, pho's vision of splendor through her love of the sun see Jérôme was the idea of harmony — which could be perceived through Carcopino, De Pythagore and Apôtres: Etudes sur la convernumerical study and was reflected in music - which reflected sion du Monde Romain, Paris, 1956, 34-35. See also Bowra's the orderly pattern of the universe. On Pythagoreanism in discussion of Sappho's description of Apollo as having hair general, and its importance for Renaissance thought, see esp. of gold and holding a lyre while riding in a chariot drawn by HENINGER, op. cit. See also the bibliography in JoosT-GAUswans (Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry, op. cit., 235). GIER, art. cit., n. 53. On Pythagorean number theory in the Renaissance sce ALLEN, op. cit., passim. 69. Pindar, Pyth. 1.39-41, trans. Sandys, op. cit., 159. 70. Though Pythagoras is not known to have left any writ- 59. Pythagoras’ ‘theory’ of music was explained by PLINY ings, the (later) Pythagoreans claimed many works were auth- THE ELDER (Naturalis Historia Il.xx) as based on seven tones ored by him. The Pythagorean ‘theorem’ in fact is first known that reflected the universal harmony. Only Pythagoras could in the work of Euclid (Elements I..xlIvii). Originally a geomehear this noise, we are told by his biographer PORPHYRY (De tric construction, the Pythagorean theorem is now known as vita Pythagorae, XXX). On this sound, which Cicero conan algebraic formulation. For the traditional statement of the sidered beyond the reach of the human ear and which Mactheorem as a diagram see HENINGER, op. cit.. 106, 139, and n. 73. robius explained was exemplified in the seven-stringed lyre of Apollo, see Joost-GAUGIER, art. cit. For Ptolemy the lyre 71. See PLUTARCH, De [side et Osiride 381 F and PLoTInus, Sixth Ennead, V. See also text supra. esp. at n. 52.

72. For PLUTARCH's description of the right angled triangle 57-58. This cosmology is reflected in the significance of the see De Iside et Osiride 375 F, where he describes it as the lyre which was believed to elevate the soul as compared to “most beautiful of triangles”. For Proclus’ description of the the flute (or pipes) which was believed to excite earthly in- “beautiful” triangle see PROCLUS: A Commentary on the First solence. Pythagoreans were of the opinion that the person who Book of Euclid's Elements, trans. Glenn R. Morrow, Princeton, played the lyre was to be seated in the center of a circle. Those 1970, 339-40. On Ficino's indebtedness to the Pythagorean who surrounded him (in the form of a circle) sung. Thus was triangle and his modifications of it, see ALLEN, op. cit.. 3, music employed to assuage the soul against aberrations such 36-40, and 97-100. as rage and anger, and the harmonic ratio of the universe 73. On the Pythagorean theorem as published in Renaisechoed in the chords of the lyre and the arrangement of the sance texts sce Heninger, op. cit., 106-07, esp. fig. 14. and audience (lAMBLICHUS, Life of Pythagaras, op. cit., 80-88). 139, n. 73. On the use of the Pythagorean theorem in com- For an example of the great popularity of Pythagoras in early puting Platonic mathematics see ALLEN, op. cit., 98-100. Re- Cinquecento times the reader is referred to the publication garding Ficino’s use of numbers and symbols as an expressive of numerous (spurious) works of PYTHAGORAS during this force represented through the language of poetry see Eugenio time, e.g. Pythagore philosaphi aurea verba, cited in n. 58 Garin, L’umanesimo italiano. Bari, 1978, 110-11. Ficino’s dissupra. cussion of Pythagorean and Platonic music theory depended 76. An anonymous Epigram in the Greek Anthology (IL, on the key to bridging the gap between sensible experience no. $71) connects Pindar and Sappho, for as Pindar *screamed" and true knowledge. which lies in number. For Ficixo (in the from Thebes, Sappho was among the Muses who heard his De Rationibus Musica and the De Divino Furore) numerologivoice. Both Sappho and Pindar were lyric poets, both lived cal values are essential to defining the essence of harmonia in Archaic (pre-classical} times, and both invented poetic lanand, therefore. of God’s creation. An illuminating discussion guages that transformed the heroic epic into ‘scenic’ poetry. of this is contained in William R. Bowen, “Ficino’s Analysis Above all. both believed in immortality and both had a special of Musical Harmonia”, in Ficino und Renaissance Neo-platonattachment to Apollo who was the central divinity for Pythaism, ed. K. Eisenbichler and O. Pugliese, Toronto, 1986, 17-27. 74, See, e.g.. Fragments 19, 65, 118, 176, and 177 in Lyra goreans and the god (from the antique pantheon) most favorable to humankind. On Sappho’s devotion to Apollo and its Greca |. With respect to Sappho's piety in identifying the di- Pyıhagoreanism, see CARCOPINO, op. cit.. esp. 9-81; on Pinvine with the light of the sun and Pindar’s praise of the divine dar's devotion to Apollo and its Pythagoreanism, see ANASas the radiant warmth of the sun, see Bruno SNELL, “Pindar's TASE, op. cit. passim. In Pompei a fresco survives where Hymn to Zeus”. in The Discovery of Mind: The Greek Origins Sappho and Pindar are represented in attached scenes (see of European Thought, trans. T.G. Rosenmeyer, New York, SCHEFOLD, op. cit., 95-96 and pls. 57.2-58.4). Christodorus of 1960, 86-89. On the Pythagorean significance of Sappho's vi- Thebes is Egypt’s Hellenistic description of the bronze statues sion of splendor through her love of the sun see Jérôme Carin the celebrated gymnasium of Zeuxippos built by Septimius COPINO, De Pythagore aux Apétres: Etudes sur la conversion Severus in ancient Byzantium cites, among the sculptures in du Monde Romain, Paris, 1956, 34-35. See also Bowra's disthe series which included representations of Apollo and Pycussion of Sappho's description of Apollo as having hair of thagoras, both Sappho and Pindar. (See Greek Anthology Il, gold and holding a lyre while riding in a chariot drawn by 69-71 and 382-87). On Sappho and Pindar see Gennaro PERswans (Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry, op. cit., 235). OTTA, Saffo e Pindaro, Bari, 1935. 75. The Renaissance view of Pythagorean cosmology. according to which a spherical earth rotated on its own axis 77. Angelo Poliziano, Commento inedito all'epistola ovidiana di Saffo a Faone, ed. E. Lazzeri, Florence, 1971. around a central sun is discussed in HENINGER, op. cit., 128-29. 78. MENANDER, probably referring to a tale already old in The influence of the sun. which maintains order in the heavens, his time, describes the “lady of Leucas", in a play (Fragment on poets is considered in ibid.. 345. On the influence of the 312), who he identifies as Sappho as leaping from the Leu- Italian Pythagoreanism of Ficino, Pico, Filippo Beroaldo, and cadian Cliff, the precinct of Apollo. The Heroides of Ovid fill others on Copernicus, see Bronislaw BILINSK1, HH pitagorismo in the lacunae: Praising Phoebus (Apollo) in the light of dawn, di Niccolo Copernico, Rome, Warsaw, Gdansk, 1977, 94-123. Sappho dedicates her leap to Apollo with these words: “Sappho Pythagorean symbola, preserved in the works of such ancient the Singer, O Phoebus, hath gratefully brought Thee a zither writers as Plutarch, Porphyry, Iamblichus, Diogenes Laertius, [lyre, cithara]/ Token well suited to me, token well suited to and Athenaeus, show a special respect for the sun. Perhaps Thee”. In her hopes that Apollo will save her, she wails: “{Hf the best known in Renaissance times was lAMBLICHUS’ Pro- I perish... how much better for my bosom to be pressed to trepticae orationes ad philosophiam, which included the following maxims: “Discourse not of Pythagorean things without yours than headlong to be hurled from the rocks!”. In her lalight"; and “Urine not, being turned towards the Sun”. On return to life (Ovib, The Hervides XV, trans. Grant SHOWERment, she expresses her belief that Apollo will allow her to these and the popularity of Pythagorean symbola in the Man, Cambridge [Mass.] and London, works of Ficino, Pico, and Beroaldo, see HENINGER, op. cit., temple of Apollo Leucatas. from where Sappho flung herself 1947, 181-95). The 272-75. On their use by the early Church Fathers see ibid.. over the cliff, is described by a contemporary of Ovid, Strabo.

PINDAR ON PARNASSUS Strabo explains that it was an old custom of the Leucadians, recorded in the Dirges, where he speaks about the soul relieved every year at the time of the sacrifice to Apollo, to throw of toil after the death of the body, its glistening in the “upper somebody over the cliff while boats waited below to pick up sunlight” for all time, and the beginning of a new life in God the person and carry him [her} to safety. thereby suggesting (Dirges. Fragments 131-37); see also Nem. 1.70, which insists their immortality (Geography X.2.8-9). Carcopino offers an inthat the heroic life will be rewarded with eternal tranquility. teresting elmylogical insight to this event based on the description, by Pliny the Elder, of the plant eryngion (or 85. See, e.g., VIRGIL’s description of Elysium as the land of happiness where the souls of the blessed find themselves candidam), known in Greek as leucas {Naturalis Historia in sweet green woods bathed in the light of bright spirits shin- XXH.8-9). In a complicated exposition, Carcopino argues that ing down on them from the sun and stars in Aeneid V1.641-45. Pliny is applying a Pythagorean point of view to the properties Among the Roman authors who considered that Virgil imitated of botanical species. Thus Pliny's claim that this plant cures Pindar is Aulio Gellius who finds Virgil ‘laboring’ to find snake bites and saves man from death represents a Pythagorean words such as vividly flowed from the pen of Pinpar (Attic eschatology. Sappho’s love for Phaon, who ate the root of this Nights XVILx.1-20). Macrosius also well noted the influence spiney plant, is thereby transformed into divine love as Phaon of Pindar on Virgil in the Saturnalia, a work that was known is transmuted hypostatically into Apollo (On this see Pierre through the Middle Ages. A section of this work was. in es- BovancÉ, “Leucas”. in Revue Archaeologique, 1929. 211-19 sence, a kindly exposition of Virgil's attempts to rival Pindar and, esp., CARCOPINO, op. cit.. 14-23). On the Pythagorean im- - in which he [Macrobius} found Virgil (“whose wine did not plications of Sappho's hope in immortality see ibid., 24-81 come from the grapes of a single vine”) wanting. See Saturand, for a reproduction of a late Roman apsidal fresco commemoraling this event, see ibid.. Pl. |. nalia V.17.4-16. On this influence which flowed Lo other Greek „and Roman poets, see CUMONT, After Life in Roman Paganism, 79. The Pythagorean and Orphic mystics affirmed the idea op. cit., 72-73 and 212-13. In the second passage, Cumont deof immortality before Plato expressed his belief in the immorscribes the decline of paganism as characterized by a belief tality of the soul in the Republic (see e.g.. 330 D-E) and the in a hierarchy of souls whose ascendance to the beatific vision Phaedo (sce e.g., 85 C and 114 Dj. However before all of them occurs on a scale of merit that corresponds to the various dethis idea was expressed by PINDAR in many of his odes. See grees of their rewards for a meritorious life. From the company esp. Oly. II, where Pindar exults to the winner of a chariot of the splendor of God they help to govern the earth and are race in 476 B.C. that soothed by songs (of the lyre) the gods guaranteed eternal happiness. will preserve the ancestral soil for their future race. The vic- 86. Pindar, who had been highly regarded by Plato (being torious athlete is also advised that after death all will be the only poet quoted in the Republic as well as in the Laws judged, with the lawless punished and the good rewarded in as cited in n. 44 supra) and by Plutarch, among numerous the light of the shining sun (heaven?) forevermore. There they other Greek writers, was well known to Roman writers who will share a life with the gods and know an eternity with no esteemed him highly. On this see n. 85 supra. See also Cicero, tears, participating evermore in the joys of God (Oly. 11.13-15 who in the De Finibus has high praise for Pindar (11.115.34) and 34-80). On the idea of immortality as expressed by Plato, and suggests Pindar had high aspirations and aims. In The Orawhich was well known to Renaissance scholars, see Paul Suotor (2), Cicero ranks Pindar with Homer. Horace held that REY, “Second Introduction to Plato’s Republic”, in Plato, Reno poet could dare to imitate Pindar, who was beyond imitation public, ed. Paul Shorey, II, Cambridge (Mass.) and London. and, he suggested, perfect: “Whoever strives... to rival Pindar... 1942, lxiv-Ixvi. is doomed to give his name to some crystal sea" (Odes IV.II., 80. Carcorixo, op. cit., 46-47. trans. C,E. BENNETT, in Horace the Odes and Epodes, Cam- 81. This is illustrated in Pyth. V, which was written lo celbridge [Mass.] and London, 1939, 287), In QUINTILLIAN's view, ebrate a chariot race of 462. Here Pindar summarizes the gifts Pindar was the peerless master of lyric poetry, of grandeur, of (his) Apollo: he calms wild beasts, his oracles are the of maxims, of figures of specch, of inspired magnificence, and friends of good rulers, he remedies and cures disease, he gave of rich exuberance and eloquence (see n. 57 supra and inmankind the lyre which helps to bring into the heart law that stitutio Oratoria X.1.61-62). is the enemy of strife (Pvth. V.60-70). who spent much of his life in Rome, cited Pindar as the out- DIONYSIUS OF HALICARNASSUS, 82. For an example of Pindar's elated and triumphant atstanding master of lyric poetry. As an example of the best titude towards the immortality of man see n. 79 supra. Sec writers of poctry, he says “it will be sufficient to cite Pindar... also n. 84 infra. On the Pythagoreanism of Pindar's belief in let him begin” (see reference in n. 57 supra). On Pindar's inimmortality see Franz CUMONT, Recherches sur le symbolisme fluence on Latin literature in general see David ROBINSON, Pinfunéraire des Romains, Paris, 1942, 52, 259, 295, 364. and dar, A Poet of Eternal ideas, Baltimore, 1936, 1-21 and also 374. n. 81 supra. 83. See Cumont, After Life in Roman Paganism, New Haven, 1922, 72-73. 87. Sce n. 77 supra. 88. The Venice edition, entitled Pinduri Olympia Pythia 84. On Apollo as the sun in Greek religion see CICERO, Nemea Isthmia, was published (in Greek) by Aldus Manutius De Natura Deorum, W.xxvii and Ill.xx. Pindar’s exultation is and edited Andrea Navagero. The Roman edition was pub-

lished by Zachariam Calendi Cretensem and commissioned by 58; FARNELL, op. cit., 357-83; ROBINSON, op. cit., esp. 22-23; Agostino Chigi. Both volumes may be found in the Library BOLGAR, op. cit., 75, 443, and esp. 503; William Harrison of Congress. The Venetian edition included a letter of intro- WOODWARD, Vittorino da Feltre and other Humanist Educaduction by Aldus Manutius himself in which he expresses tors, Cambridge, 1963, 50; Bowra. Pindar, op. cit.; Roberto thanks to Navagero for his brilliance in having recommended Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century, its publication. Manutius refers to the many (manuscript) Oxford, 1967, 111: and Egmont LEE, Sixtus 1V and Men of copies of Pindar’s works collected by Navagero, for whom Letters, Rome, 1978, 54. A copy of the 1492 Parma edition Pindar was his favorite poet. The Roman edition included an of Pindar's Odes is in the University Library at Cambridge epilogue in Greek which explains that heaven made this publi- (see J.C.T. cation possible, in Rome the queen of cities, through the mag- Printed Books in the University Library, Cambridge, Camnanimity of Agostino Chigi who gave his personal funds so bridge, 1954, no. 2581). that the renowned Calliergi might be brought to Rome in order to direct the founding of the first Greek press in that city, on the occasion of the printing of this work. On both these editions, and for the full texts discussed here (in French translation) see Ambroise Firmin-Dipot, Alde Manuce et l'Hellénisme à Venise, Paris, 1875, 363-67 and 563-64. Re- Oates, A Catalogue of the Fifteenth-Century 89. On the relation between Agostino Chigi and Raphael, see VASARI, op. cit. (1568), IV, 340, 366, and 377. 90. SNELL, op. cit.. p. 86. 91. On astrological poetry describing the sun, see Benedetto SoLDATI, La poesia astrologica del Quattrocento, Florence, 1906, and BILINSKI, op. cit., 103-106. Copernicus garding the early knowledge of Pindar in Italy through manuhimself expressed his debt to the Pythagoreans in Nicolaus scripts and early printed editions of his odes see: SANDYS, A Copernicus, De History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge. 1903-08, esp. (see, e.g.. his Preface and Dedication to Pope Paul Ill, in 104; Remigio SABBADINI, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci which he praises their example, and LS, where he acknowne’ secoli XIV e XV, 1, Florence (1905). 2nd ed., ed. E. Garin, ledges one of several debts to Pythagorean mathematics). 1967, 47, 57, 63, and 64; Robert SHAFER, The English Ode to revolutionibus orbium coelestium libri VI 92. VirGiL, Eclogue IV. 1660, An Essay in Literary History, Princeton, 1918, esp. 56- RÉSUMÉ. — Pindare sur le Parnasse: un élan néopythagoricien à la Chambre de la Signature de Raphaël. En accord avec l'inspiration néopythagoricienne qui semble avoir animé Raphaël dans ses retouches à la fresque du Parnasse, on découvre que le noble vieillard aux cheveux blancs assis au premier plan à droite n'est pas Horace, comme l'ont supposé nombre d'auteurs modernes, mais plutôt Pindare comme le suggérait Bellori en 1695. Il est proche des images traditionnelles du poète grec archaïque comme des sculptures antiques qui, on le sait aujourd'hui, le représentent aussi. Raphaël a peint le grand poète selon la tradition, dans un âge avancé, mais il a su traduire aussi sa personnalité exubérante et turbulente. Le triangle isocèle de Pythagore formé par Pindare, Sappho et Apollon se conforme aux recommandations de Marsile Ficin. Les trois figures expriment ainsi l’association indifférenciée de la poésie et de la musique et, par là, le caractère cosmologique d'Apollon qui les synthétise. Sappho et Pindare, qui jouaient tous deux de la lyre, formaient un couple pythagoricien, avec une dévotion particulière pour Apollon, et ils avaient reçu, conformément à la pensée pythagoricienne, le bénéfice de l'immortalité réservée aux fervents adorateurs du dieu. A l'époque où Raphaël peignait sa fresque, les humanistes s'intéressaient particulièrement à Pindare, dont les œuvres complètes furent publiées peu après ; ce fut même le premier ouvrage grec imprimé à Rome, commandé par Agostino Chigi, ami et mécène de Raphaël.