Quis Inventor Musicae: Iubal an Pythagoras? The Gregorian Chant in the History of West European Music

THE GREGORIAN CHANT IN THE HISTORY OF WEST EUROPEAN MUSIC by Jurij SNOJ Institute of Musicology. Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy ot Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia | JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD T STAMENT SUPPLEMENT SERIES 1998 ISSUE | 289,page(s): 1727-1738 È u Eli Semiotical approach to the adiastematic neumanc notation shows the earliest written European music as a collection of musical tems, whose actual melodic flow was not yet definitely established. This interpretanon of the earliest plainchint records, which ıs in a way analogous to Hucke's understanding of musical differences between various plainchant repertoires, regards the carolingian pluinchunt as à music standıng berween oral musical culture and composed music. Semioloski pristop k nediastematskin nevmam kaze nijstarejio zapisino evropsko glasbo kot korpus glashenili enot, Katerih melodiena podaba ni bila dokonéno dolo¢ena. Ta raziaga nujstaresih zapisov korala, ki je v dolocenen smislu analogna Huckovemu razumevanju razlik med koralnimi sepectoarit, vadi karalinskı koral kot glasbo, ka stop na mejr med usino glasbeno kulturo in komponirano akısbe. The paper deals with that musical culture which encompasses the oldest extant musical settings of Biblical texts on Slovene territory. These settings are numerous chants within the Gregorian tradition present in medieval plainchant codices or their remains, preserved in libraries or archives on Slovene territory. The oldest among them date back to c. 1000." As is well-known, the Gregorian chant is the first preserved medieval music of any kind; the music which was written down and can be read from musical records, of which the oldest date from the ninth century. The nature of the Gregorian chant, as seen in medieval records, is by no means uniform, on Slovene soil, too, the extant records present regional characteristics, which can be understood and explained within the broader concept of the medieval plainchant tradition. This study leaves such examples on one side and concentrates on the Gregorian chant as the oldest medieval music written down. The question arises: what is the Gregorian chant? Interestingly, such a question cannot be answered merely with the findings of music historiography. It is true that 1 Höfler, Takorı glasbene kulture na Slovenskem (Ljubljana: Mladinska Enjiga, 1970), Rift; J. Snoj. “Srednjeveska glasbeni spomeniki v Ljubljani," Muzikoloske razprave (ed. D. Pokorn: Ljubljana: Znanstvenoraziskovalnt center SAZU, 1993), 7-23.

we vitally need answers to the questions when, where, in what circumstances, and from what source did the Gregorian chant come into being, who were its pe and who the bearers of the plainchant tradition? But the answers determine ade the external conditions, and it is questionable how far these can define the music itself From this standpoint the paper covers broader ground. Its central question what the plainchant, as found in the oldest concern is ea records, is as music: what can be understood about the plainchant as music from those records themselves The concept of the plainchant, as it can be created by reading the oldest neumati c resté is then ranged alongside the contemporary, that is the Carolingian theory of music cal since that is the continuation of Greek harmonic theory, the relation between ator 1729 AN PYTHAGORAS? Jurij SNOJ, QUIS INVENTOR MUSICAE: TUBAL neumes in a type of medieval music notation which does not mark either the pitch or length relations between tones. For the modern performer such neumes are inadequate nor do they tell the modern researcher and paleographer what he would like to know about the music written in them. since the relation between tones or rather the exact tonal course of the melodies cannot be understood from them. The exact recording of intervals was more broadly established only around the year 1000, and only from that time are preserved to a larger extent plainchant records in which the intervals (the pitch relations between the tones of the melodies) are exactly determined and the recorded tunes are readable in their melodic line. although still without the rhythm being determined. The adiastematic neumes have remained an incomprehensible curiosity: not and still is considered the basi only because they cannot be read or understood according to the modern conception of music, but also because it was not and still is not possible to imagine what and whom they could serve in the form they had. Older music historiography saw in the or rather conceptualizations that will be formed in the sections indicated, an bates pretation will be offered of what the plainchant is in European music tasto musical notation which, precisely due to its technical deficiencies, was unreadable and thus scarcely of any use? In this sense the adiastematic neumes were and still are Greek music and the medieval plainchant traditio n is also re-established. The third section deals with the question whether there exists a historical link tire plainchant and Jewish musical tradition, which was the source of plainchant forms and indirectly even of actual melodies, From the answers adiastematic neumes an unskilful, technically imcomplete and primitive attempt at a treated as simply an incomplete means, incapable of indicating the music in connection with which they arose and which they recorded, a means which was not essentially connected with the music itself. The Gregorian chant can be read from medieval greatly in their paleographical appearance as regards gin. The oldest of these records date from the musical records which differ the time and place of their orininth and tenth centuries and originated on the territory of the Frankish state? Historically they have been Ole th more recent times as part of Caroling ian cultural activities and of the tendenc y to a the formerly non-unified liturgy? There is no musical record that predates the ninth century. As it is not certain whether the oldest extant records are mere! co ies of still older texts, the fact that there are no musical records before the ninth venti’ binding: this means that one can speak about the picture of music in the earliest a turies only in the form of inductive hypotheses: to see or read it is not possible But although the plainchant, such as it was in the ninth and tenth its is pre served in records, from the viewpoint of a contemporary observer or ofour settee orary understanding of music, there is no clearcut picture, The great majority of the re. ords from that time, especially the older ones, are written in the osas 1980), 609; W. Apel, Greganiam Chant (London: Bur & ns Outes, 1958), 3. Corbin, Die Verner (Káln: Amo Volk-Verlag, sound. As a musical notation neumes-in their substance and form (in the semiological sense)?—are essentially linked very closely with their referent, the music. As such, neumatic records have 2 completely determined referent, they mark completely de5 5, Corbin, ibid., 3.181/f. , 17 (ed. $ Sadie; London: 1993), 5 14f£ neither on the level of individual signs nor on the level of the entire sign system? Although it is not possible to exclude such a possibility as a matter of principle, in the case of neumatic writing it is obvious that this is not a type of agreed ciphers, whose meaning would either have been lost or was never exactly determined, on account of which neumatic records cannot be unambiguously decoded into musical so-called adiastematic 2 Sources. MS, IL” The ner Grove Dictionary of Music anid Alusicians hi D Hiley. Western Plancher (Oxford: Clarendon Press, A question of principle arises: Is it possible that the music of any historical period might be in its essence something other than what can be understood from its notation; is it possible that the neumatic system might not have the closest connection with the music with which it originated? In semiological terminology we might ask ourselves: Is it possible that any sign system could be strictly differentiated from its referent in such a way that there would be no internal connection between the two: Mae: 79 A si Hans Gerig KG, 1977), 3.21ff. 6%. Apel, ibid.. 118ff: D. Hiley, ibid. 388-399. 7 p. Wagner. Nenmenkunde (Leipzig; 1912, reprinted Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1970), 167. 8 p_Guiraud, Semiology (London: Routledge, 1992), 24. 9 p Guiraud, ibid., 29.

1730 termined music, and if nowadays that seems incomprehensible or indefinable, then the reason for their incomprehensibility does not lie in the incompleteness of neumatic notation, but in the different nature of conceiving and understanding the music itself. In other words; if the adiastematic neumatic records are incompreh ensible from the standpoint of modern musical experience, then that musical experience is separated from the environment of musical experience in the period of the ie neumatic records. This means that the musical culture of the ninth century must have been essentially separate from the modern, | The interpretation of the adiastematic neumatic notation within of questions about music aesthetics and semiology ia the framework a desideratum of contemporary musicology. For the time being it is not possible to present any new complex om more generally established insight into the early history of musical literacy, such as would interpret and understand neumatic records in the sense of a sign ana ina set of semiological theories with all their possible implications. The following auem E is restricted to just one clearly recognizable aspect of neumatic signs and tries to an derstand it us the aesthetic nature of music set down in neumatic writing. | Most explanations attribute iconicity (in the semiological sense)” to neumes as signs, that is, neumes are taken to be graphic icons of musical or vocal turns. If Sees scribe their appearance In an unprofessional Way, Reumes are curves, hooks, semi-circles, lines and dots turned in different directions, arranged above the lines of the sung texts, As such they are understood as a reflection of individual musical procedures that comprise the melodic line." In this sense neumes serve to transfer the musical movement, which necessarily flows in the category of time, into graphic signs which can remain in the category of space-or of the writing surface~t o put it in concrete terms, When it is understood what in the written space serves what in the musical space, the basis ts luid down for reading and understanding neumitic notation, The connection shown here can provide an insight into the nature melodies such as the first neume writers of the ninth and tenth o of recorded centuries must have had especially those who did not record the exact pitch relations between tones. In the sense of this connection we can ask what the recorded musie shows, if we baie the individual neumatie signs to be icons, reflecting the musical flow of prising the music. It appears most of all as musical movement the sections com- : rising, falling or floating: a movement which must indeed have been composed of tones as we conceive desi nowadays, but concerning which the records do not show 10 us a clear awareness that their basis and starting-point would be individual tones, Awareness of musical movement— even in early music theory differentiated from awareness of tones '*=here obviously takes precedence over awareness of the tones themselves. The concept of a particular tone as a basic element and in this sense the source of everything musical is present in neumatic notation only in an indefinite way."? We can deduce from this that musical movement, as shown by neumatic records, is not interchangeuble with the concept of a structure composed of tones, with definite and strict relations between tones, it is not interchangeable with the concept of composition in the modern sense of the word. Such an understanding of music preserved in neumatic notation (according to which adiastematie neumes do not record the pitch relations between tones, because in the music of that ime this was not relevant), can be linked with more recent knowledge about the origin and nature of the earliest preserved plainchant repertoire, From comprisons and studies of the oldest neumatic records it is obvious that the written melodies were not conceived as final compositions but as possible musical realizations within the melodic plainchant tradition, which allowed-for the same text in the same liturgical function, that is, for the same chant—different renderings in actual perform ance.! Those involved in the Carolingian plainchant culture, who included neumators, were therefore not merely users or transmitters of finally formulated musical works, of compositions, but were above all bearers of the melodic plainchant tradition, which was not acquainted with finally formulated compositions and finat completion in general. So itis understandable that the records themselves cannot demonstrate final completion. With the conceptualization of the melodie plainchani tradition shown here it is possible to have a different understanding of Isidore ofSeville’s famous dictum as regards recording music. Isidore says that music must be memorized, otherwise it is lost when it is not possible to record musical tones: Mist enim ab homine memoria teneantur, sont pereunt, quia scribi non possunt® In the fiterature on music history this statement was considered indisputable proof that in the first half of the seventh century, that is, in the time of Gregory the Great, there was no musical writing, which also means that Pope Gregory could not have plainchant melodies recorded, The content of the dictum enis notin dispute nor does it need any new explanations. Nevertheless it is still more origiit which in culture lightening if we try to read it with an awareness of the musical nated. [tis not only that musical writing did not exist, musical writing was not erben music writing” Barty Music History 4 12 Aristoxents, Elementa formanica 1.11 ded. A. Barker; Greek Musical Writings 1h Cambridge; Cam 144, Hucke, “Toward a new Historical View of Greganan Chant” Formel af the American cal Society 43 19801, 104. TA to Selerifavitel der ciustimmigen Musik (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1975), Neuntentabele; E. Cardin, Sentiedogta gregoriane (Rome: Pontificio istituto di musica sacra, 1968), 5. | even posbridge University Press. 1989). 13 14 Bicliez, Musik amd Gremmetik (Munchen 'Salzhurg: E. Katzbichler. 1977), 47. A LA Treitler, “Reading Eineand singing: LA AU an the gene genesis of 1731 15 jadore of Seville, Sententae de Musica 1 led. M. Gerber dunplores veteres de cantu simum ceclesiustica 1: SankeBlusien, 1774). Musicolayi el musica potis-

1732 sible, since music is something that is not finally complete d and fixed. Isidore under- Stood music as a matter of memory, that is, as part of human Spirituality. If it were written down and performed according to written records, accordin g to something outside the performer's awareness, it would in its very essence be somethin g different. this or that musical ethos, Fundamentally there is the conviction that the given aesthetic conditions of music and its ethos are hidden in the given physical conditions of sound, or at least in the properties of theoretical abstract concepts. The discussion of musical sound, caught in mathematical expressions. means in Greek music theory discussing its aesthetic defining lines. It If we attempt to test these findings about neumatic notation and the music writfen in it against contemporary, that is, Carolingian music theory, we can confirm them only through negation. The concept of music as seen in neumatic records is not compatible with that seen in Carolingian writings on music theory. Although Carolingian music theory makes constant appeal to the plainchant repertoir e and even quotes it explicitly, it is obvious that the former's basic starting-points are not to be found in the observation of that contemporary music. its fundamental concepts interval, that is, the measured relation between two are the tone, the tones, the arrangements of tones and semitones within some larger interval, and modes," all of which are exactly those given conditions of music that cannot be understo od from the contemporary udiustematic records, In keeping with this, illustrative examples of these musical writings are set down in different notational systéms: those which exactly mark the pitch relations between tones, either with letters or with the sung text written down in the stave or both.” This is a significant fact: obviously it was possible in the ries to write music so that the pitch relations between One can conclude from this that the concept of music as seen in Greek music theory is noticeable in Greek music itself, and this is also confirmed by extant records of Greek music? or just Greek notation itself. The Greek notation signs indicate the tones of the system and also their length? which means that the extant examples of classical melopoetic culture are definable in their tone and rhythmic composition— their music is thus measured in rhythm as in intervals. In this way the preserved remnants of Greek music harmonize in their essence with the starting-points of Greek music theory, according to which the elements and beginning of music are tones, intervals and systemata. Itis obvious that the plainchant melodic tradition, such as existed in the Carolingian period, was neither planned nor understood according to concepts of classical harmonic theory and its continuation in the Middle Ages, nor was it founded on the same aesthetic starting-points as classical Greek melopoetic culture. But not only the divergence between music theory and the plainchant melodic tradition, seen in Greek notation as compared with neumatic notation, but also the actual comparisons of extant examples of Greek music with the plainchant convincingly show that the plainchant tradi tion represents a culture that cannot be linked with the classical Greek musical world.?! ninth and tenth centutones were determined, which means that the plainchant could also have been recorded conceived differently. It is precisely the different nature in such à way if it had been II of the neumatic notation that tan serve as an indicator that the plainch ant melodic tradition had a different cunceptual background to that of the contemporary music theory. Until recently music historiography held that the source of the Christian melodie tradition wis to be found in the music of the Jewish Old Testament services and that the | The sources of Carolingian music theory are well-kno wn: it is the continuation of classical music theory, especially the continuation of an undisputed medieval authority, Boethius, the author or wanslator of the treatise De musica."® But Greek mubasic form principles of the Gregorian chant as well as individual melodies were taken sic theory was not independent of the music of its time: despite all the problems which accompany the relation between it and Greek melopoet ie culture it is possible elements of the Jewish temple and synagogue liturgy.?? New knowledge connected with the synagogue liturgy, which supposedly arose only some centuries after the deto assume that it came into being with the observation of actual contemporary music, and wong with this observation was some pondering over 16 A CV. Pulisca, h “Theory,. theoriats,” Me New Grove Die A an DAT nm where the causes lay for of Music 37 E Pohlmann, Denkmiler aligriectischer Musik (Nüraberg: H. Carl, 19701. 297. E. Winningron-Ingram, “Greece, Ancient.” The Ven Grove Dictionary af Muste and Musicians 7, Poi 18, P, Migne ted.) Pattralogio latina, 64, from there. This conviction rested especially on the fact that psalmody, which can be seen as the starting-point of the Gregorian chant repertoire, was one of the important and dl Mesicians i i 18, 7441. MY, Apel, ibid. 36. 20. Ursprung. Die kethulische Kirchenmusik (Potsdam, 1931), LEE: W. Apel, ibid. 34.

struction of the Temple in AD 70, and as such could not be either the continuation of the 1735 Jurij SNOJ, QUIS INVENTOR MUSICAE: I BAL AN PYTHAGORAS? tion of historical links from recognized melodic similarities is questionable. The comtemple liturgy or the starting-point of the Christian liturgy, shows the link berween temparison of music recorded in the nineteenth century with records of a thousand years ple, synagogue and early Christian liturgy and music in a new light. We can claim with earlier is debatable especially because the treatment of a musical creation is divorced certainty that no direct and clear historical evidence exists for positing a link between from its environment. If from the semiological view we understand actual metodies as early Christian and Jewish music.” Searching for historical links between the two is also a message of signs, which can be read and understood differently according to a dif questionable because music historiography in the first Christian centuries is founded ferent code, then the equality of the signs cannot mean similar referents, The mere merely on a series of mostly unconnected statements about music or mentions of it, the form of a sign does not determine its meaning? so that sameness or similarity in meinterpretation of which, especially regarding musical terms, is always hypothetical and lodics in itself cannot be proof of historical connections debatabie. It is possible to step onto firmer ground as regards the relation between Jewish and Christian music only with the twelfth century, from which the first written examples of music from a Jewish background are preserved. But even for these cases itis not certain what they are: newly created melodies, records or arrangements of music from From the foregoing discussion it is evident that historical evidence does not alsome Jewish environment in Europe or something else. These examples are written in low a direct linkage between the Jewish musical tradition and the early Christian one; Italian neumes-their recorder ought to be ltalian-thus in a notation which was consimilarly, the divergence between Carolingian music theory-the continuation of the ceived as that of the piainchant.24 The music of these instances can be recognized as reclassical-and the Carolingian plainchant shows that this is part of a different musical lated to plainchant melodies, but this relationship is due more to this being music that environment than ancient Greek music, which thus cannot be the distant predecessor arose in the environment of medieval European monody than due to supposed historiof the Carolingian plainchant. We are left with the alternative of seeing the plainchant cal connections between early Christian and Jewish music ofa millenium earlier. as music of the time and place where it was recorded. Nevertheless it is not possible Most music of Jewish communities was written down only after 1700;25 in the to conceive the history of the early beginnings of this extensive medieval musical nineteenth and twentieth centuries it was recorded also in the sense of the modern inrepertoire as the work of a definite number of individuals from the same period and terest in national musical culture outside West European composed music and the region. It must he presented as a musical tradition that existed in the Western Chrissupposition about the source of early Christian music in Jewish music should find lian liturgy for centuries before the first extant records.23 confirmation precisely in the music of modern Jewish communities, recorded in more Whar this melodie or musical tradition was like prior to those records cannot be recent times, But records of Jewish music of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, known. From the nature of the oldest preserved records, those in the adiastematic which have been compared with the plainchant, are more than fifteen hundred years neumes of the ninth and tenth centuries, however, it is apparent that an oral musical younger than thatmelodic culture which could be a common source for modern Jewtradition was written down in which the individual units were not finally determined ish music as well as the plainchant tradition af the Carolingian period. Conctusions in musical terms, In this sense the various recorded melodies-as has been shownabout the historical link between early Christian and Jewish music, based on these comparisons, are founded on the assumption that Jewish music remained unchanged represented possible renderings which, prior to their being written down, if we can imagine It, did not have any exclusive value that would preclude different renderings for one and a half millenia, Such an assumption cannot in any way be supported. of the same liturgical text. Thus the first records are in the nature of being records of Similarities between modern Jewish music and the plainchant do exist, though they are not particularly striking.26 But even though we acknowledge them, the derivaactual music events rather than finalized musical items, Here it becomes necessary to pose the question about the place of the musical record in the communicative process of that period or about the beginnings and pur 24 MeKinnon, "On the question of psialmedy in the ancient synagogue Barty Mesic History 6 pose of writing down music altogether. This question is not merely paleographical 11980), 159-191 24 E. Werner, The Sacred Bridge WtNew York: Kray, 19843, 20611 23 ki: Werner, “Jewish Music, Liturgical/” The New Groce Dictionary of Music aut Musicians 9,616. 28 E Werner. ibid. 625; W. Apel, ibid, 34. 27 + Guiraud, ibid, 27. 28 4. Hucke, ibid.. 4641

Jury SNGJ, QUIS INVENTOR MUSICAE: IUBAL AN PYTHAGORAS? but also semiological: it concerns not just ascertaining when, where and with what signs neumatic notation arose but also the question of what music actually became, to necessitate its being written down.” lies in strictly defined and measurable numerical ratios.* The question as put in those medieval treatises is on the level of a mythological understanding of imaginary musi- The answer to this question can be illuminated by some facts connected with cal beginnings and not on the level of a logical consideration of music and its fixing in the general cultural endeavours of the period. It is well-known that the West European time, In this sense it is difficult to ascribe to it any other extension. But it is precisely Latin rite was codified in the Carolingian age. Parallel with this was the forming of a the mythological nature of the topos that gives it the indefiniteness that allows both unified Latin writing which became the basis for all future Latin scripts. At the same persons, Jubal and Pythagoras, to be freely understood as symbols for two different time a punctuation system took shape, or was at least strongly developed, whose conceptions of the musical. function wits to provide a logical and sensible articulation of texts, the understanding These concepts can be expressed through these two questions: Is the source of which thus became much more clearly defined and less left to individual judgand essence of music hidden in measurable and definable nature, in the embodiment ment. Here the closest parallel with music can be perceived. Just as it was necessary of sounds, in such a way that all the possible realizations of music lie in the nature of to define the logical sense of texts for them to be consistently understood, so it was sound itself, determined by it, and requiring only that they be discovered; or is music necessary to define the musical sense of sung liturgical units; plainchant melodies, the something which starts only where the world of natural sound ends, so that sound is oldest preserved renderings of Biblical texts, are musical interpretations which, pre: just an essential means through which music can be transmitted from performer to cisely by virtue of being written down, became a binding fact. From then on, the muhearer, a means which otherwise is not linked with music itself as art? If we apply this sical us well as the logical interpretation of texts was no longer completely left to the dilemma to the music of the immediate environment of the writers who asked about passing mental or emotional impulse of the individual, that is the performer, but one the originators Jubal and Pythagoras, if we apply it to the plainchant and ask ourselves prescribed form had to be maintained. Adiastematic neumes, which still do not mark what understanding of music is shown by this music, we can say it is not possible to the pitch relations between tones, stand in this sense at the beginning of the process ascribe to the plainchant as an oral musical tradition any consciousness of the measwhereby plainchant melodies were given exact, melodic, tonal definition, this coming urability of musical elements and of their cosmological extension and parallels, such about same decades later. The plainchant melodies written in the Carolingian age are as was seen by Greek theory. Nevertheless the Carolingian and post-Carolingian renot truly compositions as we know them from later periods, yet in their written form ception, which attributed a hagiological source to the plainchant, wanted to see it as represent a decisive step towards the concept of conscious tonal formation, of con an unchangeable law, whose aesthetic defining lines were not to be found in the posing in the modern meaning of the word. momentary effect of musical events, but were founded on principles hidden behind the actual musical phenomena, and which only theory could reveal. wae The centuries-long history of the Gregorian chant, the oldest Biblical music, allows the plainchant to be understood in both these ways. Transtued by Margaret DAVIS Medieval writers on music theory, including pre-Carolingian ones, often in the introductory chapters of their treatises, will pose the question of the beginnings of music or of its originators or inventors. Quis inventor musicae is thus one of the topics of medieval music theory discussions. In this connection two names occur: the Biblical Jubal, whose only mention in Genesis is as the father of all Jewish musicians32 and Pythagoras, supposed to be the first who established that the mystery of music 29 | Treitler, ibid., 207-208. 30 Ibid. 138/f. A Isidore of Seville, ibid, Il; Aurelianus Reomensis, Musica disciplina I (ed. L Gushee; Corpus scrij> Summary Jurij SNOJ QUIS INVENTOR MUSICAE: IUBAL AN PYTHAGORAS? GREGORIAN CHANT IN THE HISTORY OF WEST EUROPEAN MUSIC This paper concerns the historical and aestheucal determinants of Gregorian chant, whose melodies include the oldest preserved musical settings of biblical texts. As a result of a different approach to the neumiuic notauon, the plainchant melodies, which were first written down during the ninth and tenth centuries, cannot torum de musica 21; American Institute of Musicology, 1975); B. Praspergius, Clarissima plane atque choralıs musice taterpretatio (Basel, 1501), without pagination. 3 Guido of Arezzo, Micrologus, 20 (ed. |, Smuts van Wuesberghe; Corpus scriptorum de musica 4: American Istinute of Musicolnev 1955)

be conceived as thoroughly defined musical entities or compositions in the modern sense of the word; rather they are random musical renderings of the formal lirurgical texts, curried out within the limits of the plainchant melodie tradition of the time, As such, they stand in sharp contrast to ancient Greek music that hus been pre: served and also to the Greek and Carolingan music theory, According to recent research, Lt Is also impossible to draw a direct link berween the Jewish Temple or synagogue music and early Christian chant, Plainchant should therefore be considered us the indigenous music of the period in which it was set down with neumutic notation, As the starting point of composed music, plainchant could be regarded as a border line between two dif. ferent concepts of music, Povzetek Jurij SNOJ QUIS INVENTOR MUSICAE: IUBAL AN PYTHAGORAS? GREGORYANSKI KURAL Y ZGUDOVINI ZAHODNOSVROPSKE GLASDE Prispevek se ukvarja 2 glasbenozgodovinskimi In glasbenvestetskinn dalocilnicami gregorijanskega korala, znotraj katerega so tudi nafstarelée ohranjene uglusbitve svetopisemskür hesedil, Izhajajod iz drugacnega razumevanja nevmatskili zapisov se horalne metodije. zapisane prvit ob koncu 9. in v zaéeiku 10. stoletja. ne kt ¿ejo kot dnkonéno dolotena glasbena dela, kampozicije v sodobnem smisle, paé pa kot mnäne glusbene ureSni¢itve posameznih liturgiénih spevov y sklopu korunega melodiénega îzrotili dobe, Take so Y ostrem nas pratius preostalimi spomeniki anticne gröke glasbene kulture ın tudi y naspromnu z gräko in kurolinske glasbene teorijo, Pa novejSih glasbenozgodovinskih degnanjih tudi judovske tempeliske ali sinagogslne gkishe zgodavin: sko ni mogode neposredno povezivati s krscunskim melexliénin lzrodilam. Roral se tako kaze koe izvirna gluxha dote, ko je tila prod zupisana, a gu je mogode cazunieti ken meinik med dvema pojmoranjema glashe v za hulnervropski glasbeni zyodevini.