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Pagina 2
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)NCC/IBL aanvraagbon A102539677
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Titel
The Jewish bible quarterly
PPN 267940157,153092548 (OCN )
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Auteur
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Jaar/Editie
200X
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Jerusalem Jewish Bible Quarterly
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ISBN/ISSN
0792-3910
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267940157 ; UBM: Ros. V.V. 1414 ; ; 1989 V13 -
ISBN-13
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1991-00-00
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12-07-2016 16:09
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12-07-2016 16:09
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Pagina 3
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)Twentieth century scholars of ancient philosophy, science, and
literature have commonly tried to divorce what is known as the
Greek tradition from the Israelites, from the Phoenicians (as much
as possible), and from the Bible. This is true in the cases of the
famous early philosophers, Thales and Pythagoras, among others.
Thales, for instance, is called Phoenician in various ancient
writings (Herodotus, Giogenes Laertius). Yet modern histories of
philosophy and reference works,
such as encyclopedias and
handbooks of classical literature, usually refer to him simply as a
“Greek,” disregarding not only the ancient authorities, but the
biblical and other Judaic parallels in the extant statements
attributed to him. Now the ancients did call Thales the first of the
Seven Sages of Greece. However, this does not make him a Greek
any more than Albert Einstein, for example, an American.
The same treatment is accorded to Pythagoras. The account in
Iamblichus’ Life of Pythagoras has him growing up in Sidon, a
Canaanite-speaking (tantamount to Hebrew-speaking) city,
studying with prophets, and living on Mount Carmel. This version
is commonly disregarded or, when mentioned, disparaged. The
writer of the article on Pythagoras in the Enciclopedia Italiana
discounts Iamblichus’ account and others like it (Hermippus,
Porphyry) by positing what he calls
the general tendency of the Greeks of a later age to have the
origins of their culture derive from intercourse with the
Orient.’
1
G.C. “Pitagora e Pitagorismo,” trans. by E. A. G.
Elliott A. Green is a writer, researcher, translator, and editor living in Jerusalem.
His work has appeared in Midstream, Forum, and other publications.
Pagina 4
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)be
This writer does not tell us why this “tendency” should
oras’
discounted, nor why the parallels between the ruies of Pythag
brotherhood and his personal behavior on the one hand and the rules
ked.
of the biblical Nazirite code on the other hand ought to be overloc
The view quoted from the Enciclopedia Italiana above is fairly
typical, when moderns recognize the problem at all. The “Greeks of
a later age” wanted, for some reason, to see “the origins of their
culture” in the Orient (meaning the Middle East in this context,
including Israel). This reference to “a later age” does not tell us
sixty
why Herodotus (ca. 484-425 B.C.E.) who was born only about
years after the death of Thales (-546) and came from the
same region
it
(Ionia) calls the first of the Seven Sages a “Phoenician.” Nor does
y B.C.E.,
explain why Hermippus — who flourished in the third centur
and much earlier
only some 300 years after Pythagoras (ca. 572-497)
asserts Jewish
than Laertius, Porphyry, and lamblichus —
Even earlier
influence on the teachings of the same Pythagoras.
leading pupil
than Hermippus, Theophrastus (ca. 372-288 B.C.E.), the
the
of Aristotle, had called the Jews “a race of philosophers,” while
ns)
Brahma
(and
Jews
contemporary Megasthenes attributed to the
knowledge of nature before the Greek philosophers.
impute a
The author of the view quoted, and other authorities,
who
peculiar psychological motive to Greeks like Hermippus
.”
culture
their
of
mention Jewish influence on “the origins
wanted to
However, were the ancient Greeks the kind of people who
attribute their own accomplishments to others?
that some
Be that as it may, it is curious, or perhaps symptomatic,
modern writers who disregard or disparage Laertius’ identification
of Thales as a Phoenician, favor Laertius’ report on Pythagoras
over
Iamblichus’ biography. To be sure Laertius does not connect
Pythagoras with Phoenicia whereas Iamblichus does make the
stent approach to
conneciion emphatically. This curiously inconsi
probably the most
the different ancient accounts appears in what is
broadly circulated modern history of philosophy. The book
question is A History of Philosophy by Frederick Copleston, a
Pagina 5
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)multi-volume work which enjoyed several editions in Britain and
the United States, including a paperback edition by a major
American publisher.
It is not our purpose here to try to explain why most modern writers
prefer one version over another, nor to determine which version is
closer to the truth. We may note however that the biblical and other
Judaic parallels in Laertius’ record of statements ascribed to Thales
are almost universally disregarded as are the biblical parallels to
the teachings and practices of Pythagoras. This is true even with
twentieth century writers with an outstanding exception. Peter
Gorman, a recent biographer of Pythagoras, stands out from the
crowd when he emphatically identifies both Thales and Pythagoras
as Phoenicians. Yet he too fails to note any biblical parallels or to
consider possible Israelite influence resulting from Pythagoras’
stay on Mount Carmel.
Here are a number of excerpts froin Iamblichus’ Life of
Pythagoras which indicate a Phoenician birth, upbringing, and
education for the philosopher, as well as material concerning
parallels.” Section A supplies references to Pythagoras’ birth,
family, upbringing, and education. B contains material about
personal habits; and C relates his experiences on Mount Carmel and
in Phoenicia:
A)... Mnesarchus (who came to Delphi for the purposes of
merchandize, with his wife not yet apparently pregnant,
and who inquired of the God concerning the event of his
voyage to Syria)...
he called the infant, who was soon after born at Sidon in
Phoenicia, Pythagoras...
... after his father Mnesarchus had returned from Syria to
Samos, with great wealth, which he had collected from a
prosperous navigation . . . (Mnesarchus) took care to have
his son nourished with various and the best disciplines, at
2 Ibid. pp. 8 to 8. Trans. Taylor, London, 1926.
Pagina 6
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)one time by Creophilus, at another by Pherecydes the
Syrian...
while he (i.e., Pythagoras — EAG) was yet a youth, his
great renown having reached Thales at Miletus. . .
.. . departed to Pherecydes, to Anaximander, the natural
philosopher, and the Thales at Miletus . . . they all loved
him, admired...
B) the youth was everywhere celebrated as the long-haired
Samian (emph. in orig. — EAG)...
... he entirely abstained from wine and animal food...
C) he sailed to Sidon, being persuaded that this was his
natural country ... there he conversed with the prophets
who were the descendants of Mochus the physiologist, and
with others, and also with the Phoenician hierophants. He
was likewise initiated into all the mysteries of Byblus and
Tyre, and in the sacred operations which are performed in
many parts of Syria...
he immediately embarked for Egypt, through the means of
some Egyptian sailors, who were very opportunely at that
time landed on the Phoenician coast under Mount
Carmelus, in whose temple Pythagoras, separated from all
society, for the most part dwelt
... they (e.g., the sailors — EAG) called to mind how
unexpectedly he had appeared to them on their landing,
when from the summit of Mount Carmelus, which they
knew was more sacred than other mountains, and
inaccessible to the vulgar, he leisurely descended without
looking back, or suffering any delay from precipices or
opposing stones...
We see from the above that Pythagoras was born in Sidon which he
considered “his natural country,” and lived there as a child. His
father stayed in Sidon for an extended time carrying on a merchant
shipping business. This suggests that his father was of Sidonian or
at least Phoenician origin, since it is questionable whether the
Pagina 7
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)Sidonians would have allowed a Greek maritime trader to operate
from their port. The links of Mnesarchus to the isle of Samos, as
reported by Iamblichus, Laertius, and others, do not contradict a
Phoenician identity, since Phoenician trading colonies were spread
throughout the Aegean.
Pythagoras must have known the Canaanite language spoken in
Sidon, and therefore would have understood Hebrew. He was closely
associated with other intellectuals of Phoenician and Syrian origin,
namely Thales and Pherecydes. Miletus seems to have had a
Phoenician (i.e., Canaanite-speaking) colony, and the possibility
that Anaximander, too, was of Phoenician origin should not be
excluded. Pythagoras’ relationship with the three of them is
described as warmly personal.
We also see that Pythagoras observed two of the three Nazirite
prohibitions listed in the Book of Numbers (6:1-8); he is called
“long-haired,” suggesting that he did not cut his hair, and he
abstained from wine (Laertius’ report has Pythagoras advocating
that people drink “pure water only.”) The third ban, that on coming
near to human dead, does not seem to appear in accounts of
Pythagoras. On the other hand, Laertius ascribes to some earlier
authorities the claim that Pythagoras
forbade even the killing, let alone the eating, of animals
which share with us the privilege of having a soul.
Now Numbers 6:6 in the original Hebrew uses the term nefesh met
which is represented as human dead in various translations. The
new JPS translates this as “a dead person,” which seems reasonable. Yet we may bear in mind that nefesh can also mean “soul.”
However, the present writer has never seen Pythagoras’ rules and
practices compared to the Nazirite rules. Instead, they are
commonly compared to the Orphic cult. Now the Pythagorean order
had something in common with both the Nazirite code and Orphism,
namely a concern for bodily purity. Further, Pythagoras abstained
from “animal food” (according to the quotes from both Iamblichus
and Laertius above) and Orphism did forbid eating meat. Thus it
Pagina 8
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)could have been an influence on him. On the other hand,
Pythagoras’ abstention from eating animal food could be taken as a
modification of Num. 6:6 (through extending nefesh to animals),
albeit that this abstention does not necessitate a prohibition on
proximity to dead bodies. Further, letting the hair grow and
abstaining from wine do not seem to have figured in Orphism.?
Indeed it seems that Orphism was close to the Dionysian cult which
mandated wine-drinking. But be that as it may, why should the
Nazirite rules be overlooked as a possible influence on Pythagoras?
We have noted above that Pythagoras observed two of the three
Nazirite prohibitions listed in the Book of Numbers, with a curious,
though inexact, parallel to the third ban.
However, this third prohibition is also missing from the story of
Samson, the most famous Nazirite of all. Instead, the angel
instructing Samson’s mother supplies another prohibition, that of
eating “anything unclean” (Jud. 13:4, 14), together with bans on
drinking wine (extended as in Num. 6 to other intoxicants and to
fresh grapes) and shaving the head (Jud. 13:5, 14), corresponding to
the rules in Numbers 6. Laertius’ report, which appears as a
compilation of earlier reports, represents mutually contradictory
claims about Pythagoras’ diet and the dietary rules he prescribed,
and specifically as to whether he forbade all “animal foods.”
However, he did at least forbid beans, which might be considered
unclean, because they are believed to cause flatulence. Indeed, the
Egyptian
priests
considered
beans
“unclean,”
according
to
Herodotus (11:37) who adds that Egyptians did not eat them.
Porphyry quoted Pythagoras enunciating the command: “Do not eat
those things that are unlawful.”* This pronouncement has a ring
close to that of the ban on “unclean” food in Judges 13:4-5. In the
3
One authority among the many consulted for this inquiry — the Britannica
Micropedia, Vol. VII — does mention an Orphic prohibition on wine.
The Pythagoras Sourcebook and Library. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1987, Guthrie, K.
Pagina 9
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)matter of beans, we may have an overlapping of Israelite and
Egyptian influences on Pythagoras.
Returning to the account of lamblichus, we see that Pythagoras
forbade his “intimates” the eating of meat. (i.e., the initiates
of his
brotherhood), whereas
eating of the flesh of certain animals was permitted to those
whose lives were not entirely purified, philosophic and
sacred; but even for these he appointed a definite time
of
abstinence.”
This last quote may resolve the contradictions between various
older reports compiled by Laertius in regard to Pythagoras’ dietary
practices and prohibitions for others. More importantly
for our
argument here, it shows that Pythagoras thought in terms of two
moral classes in society, the “purified,” and the “not entirel
y
purified.” Can this be compared to the distinction of Nazirites who
were governed by more stringent rules than ordinary Israelites? In
any case, the notion of permitted meat from “certain animal
forbidden meat of other animals is obviously parallel to
s” and
the very
ancient Jewish dietary laws of kashrut (Deut. 14:4ff.; Lev. 11:3-12
;
inter alia).
It is unfortunate that the foods that are “unclean” for the Nazirit
e,
as envisaged by Judges 13:4-5, are not specified. (Num. 6:3-4 bans
all products of the grapevine for Nazirites, but this is part of the
prohibition on wine and intoxicants. These products are also
forbidden for Nazirites in Jud. 13:14, but not designated unclea
n
there or anywhere else in the Bible). We may assume that certain
foods were especially designated “unclean” for Nazirites that were
not forbidden for the ordinary Israelite by the laws of kashrut.
Leaving the domain of food, we can draw another parallel betwee
n
Pythagoras and the story of Samson. Laertius’ report quotes
Pythagoras as warning that “When you want to lose what strengt
you have, consort with a woman.”
5 Ibid.
Pagina 10
Bekijk in PDF(opent in een nieuw venster)Samson, of course, loses his strength because of his relationship
with Delilah. She entices him to reveal to her that the secret of his
strength lies in his hair which she then proceeds to cut off, thus
robbing him of his superior physical power while he sleeps (Jud.
16:6-19).
In light of the several Nazirite parallels mentioned above, not
only with Iamblichus’ more coherent account, but with Laertius’
compilation
of often
contradictory
sources,
it
would
seem
unreasonable to overlook them in discussions of the origins of
Pythagoras’ doctrines and rules. This is so, the Pythagorean
similarities to Orphic doctrines notwithstanding. The remaining
issue is how Pythagoras could have learned about the Nazirite code
and, perhaps, the story of Samson.
The references to Mount Carmel show how Pythagoras might have
obtained this knowledge — as well as learning about other Jewish
Israelite teachings. It is true that Mount Carmel was the site of an
altar to Baal. However, an altar to the Lord God of Israel was there
too (I Kg. 18:30). And it was there that Elijah defeated the prophets of
Baal (Ibid. 18:17-40). Most crucially, it is reported that Elijah’s pupil
Elisha lived there for some time (II Kg. 4:25). Was Elisha the only
prophet of Israel to live on Mount Carmel? Did Nazirites lodge there?
In addition, the reference to “prophets who were the descendants of
Mochus” is intriguing. Could “Mochus” be a garbled reference to
Moses? As a matter of fact, Sabatino Moscati and the PaulyWissowa refer to a Mochus who was a Phoenician historian and
author of a cosmogony, but this Mochus is not described as the
ancestor of prophets, biologically or spiritually. K. S. Guthrie’s
translation of Iamblichus adds another “s” to the name, spelling it
“Moschus.” A footnote in Guthrie’s translation (first published early
in this century) explains “Moschus” this way: “That is, Moses.”
One might object at this point that the Temple was destroyed and
the Exile began in 586 B.C.E., not long before Pythagoras was born
about 580. However, the Exile mainly affected the leading classes of
continued on p. 60