Giuseppe Salviati's allegory of architecture for Daniele Barbaro's 1556 edition of Vitruvius.

Giuseppe Salviati’s allegory of architecture for Daniele Barbaro’s 1556 edition of Vitruvius Louis Cellauro Introduction The Venetian patrician Daniele Barbaro (1514- The purpose of this paper is to provide a detailed ematical instruments, was a prominent patron of iconographical analysis of an important full-page the arts and sciences in sixteenth-century Venice.! figurative woodcut in Daniele Barbaro’s 1556 Ital- As a patron of the arts, he promoted younger ian edition of Vitruvius, which may be entitled 4/- artists like Paolo Veronese and Battista Franco, in legory of Architecture, and which has not yet addition to Palladio and Salviati. Barbaro was an received the attention it deserves (FIG. 1). The geneminent humanist of encyclopaedic interests, eral scheme of the woodcut is provided by female learned in natural philosophy, medical botany, herms framing classical buildings and ruins shown medicine, archaeology, religion and science, with 1570), collector of works of art, books and mathin perspective, with in the foreground two men in particular emphasis on astronomy, mathematics antique dress among various instruments and maand mechanics. His intellectual pursuits also inchines described by Vitruvius in books IX and X cluded historical and musical studies. Barbaro’s of his De architectura libri X (Ten Books on Arwide-ranging learning was acknowledged by conchitecture). The plate includes, in the center of the temporaries who often described it as embracing composition and below a blank cartouche, a coat all the sciences.” His career is indeed illustrative of arms, supported by personifications of Peace of the place the sciences had come to occupy in and Victory, identifiable as that of Daniele Barthe culture of the Venetian patriciate. The Venebaro. The importance of the woodcut is stressed tians took a strong interest in the sciences from by the fact that it appears twice: on the verso of around the middle of the fifteenth century and by the Palladian title-page (a triumphal arch above a the sixteenth century, mathematics had been acstanding figure of Architecture) as well as at the cepted as an important part of the culture of the end of the volume, with the register added in a Venetian patriciate.? The importance attached to tablet at the top. Attributed to the Mannerist mathematics in patrician culture is to be seen in painter Giuseppe Porta, also known as Salviati the the activities of succeeding generations of Vene- Younger (1520-1575), the woodcut of the Allegory tian humanists, as in the mathematical publishing of Architecture throws light on Barbaro’s attitude program of the Accademia Venetiana (1557-61) towards the ancient treatise, and honors him as a and in the collections of Greek mathematical mannew Vitruvius. Although the woodcut essentially uscripts and instruments amassed by Francesco confirms some intellectual aspects already known Barozzi> and Jacopo Contarini,* Barbaro’s confrom Wittkower’s Architectural Principles in the temporaries and friends. Barbaro was educated at Age ofHumanism (London 1949), it provides new the Medical or Arts Faculty of Padua University visual evidence for this interpretation. (medicine was the primary purpose of the exis-

in Padua, when in 1545 he was commissioned to supervise the planning and construction of the medically-oriented botanical garden, which was intended to introduce the students to medical “simples”, that is the many substances, mostly botanical, that made up the materia medica of the time. In 1548 he joined the Provveditori del Comun in Venice to help oversee the administration of the guilds and monitor the fortunes of the poor in the city. From 1549 to 1551 he served as Venetian ambassador to the court of Edward VI in England. During his absence in 1550, Pope Julius III appointed him patriarch-elect of Aquileia as a potential successor to Giovanni Grimani (though he died before succeeding to the office), a position that did not require ecclesiastical authority and responsibilities but that led to his participation at the last sessions of the Council of Trent in 1562-1563.* On this occasion, Barbaro participated in formulating policy for the Church’s Index of Prohibited Books. In 1560 he was also appointed official historian philosophy, logic and mathematics.’ Contempoof the Venetian Republic. Succeeding Pietro Bembo in the role, he actually accomplished very little of his charge, writing the history of only raries saw him as one of the intellectual lights of the Venetian Republic, some even considering Daniele Barbaro’s main literary achievement lies tence of the Arts Faculty), where he studied a range of subjects, including Greek, Latin, natural him the finest mind ofthe time.* Barbaro belonged to one of Venice’s oldest patrician case or houses, which is registered as such in the Libro d’Oro (the book in which, from 1325, the names of the hereditary patrician class were inscribed, entitling them to membership of the Maggior Consiglio and participation in government). He received his first official appointment three years (from 1512 to 1515). in his Italian translation of and commentary on Vitruvius’s De architectura - the only treatise on architecture handed down to us from antiquity which was published in 1556 by the Venetian printing press of Francesco Marcolini.' In the mid-sixteenth century, Francesco Marcolini da Forli, renowned for his typography and his fine printing, was one of the most important Venetian

publishers. Marcolini had a particular interest in architecture: he composed treatises on clocks and on engineering, designed a much-praised wooden bridge in Venice, and published a number of architectural texts, including the early editions of Sebastiano Serlio’s Regole generali di architettura (1537) and // Terzo Libro, nel qual si figurano, e descrivono le Antiquità di Roma, e le altre che sono in Italia, e fuori d'Italia (1540).!! Barbaro’s 1556 edition of Vitruvius appeared in response to a widespread popular demand for a good and up-todate illustrated Italian translation of the De architectura, which could provide correct information on classical architecture to practicing architects eager to master and interpret the classical text for modern practice. Although his edition had been preceded by other editions of Vitruvius, most notably those of Fra Giocondo (1511) and Cesare Cesariano (1521), it marks the splendid culmination of the Renaissance tradition of Vitruvian studies. A second revised edition of Barbaro’s Vitruvius in a smaller format was published and taking nine years to complete, Barbaro enjoyed in 1567 by Francesco de’ Franceschi, who also isthe active collaboration of Andrea Palladio himself, sued a Latin edition in the same year. From the bewho not only designed the most important woodginning of the fifteenth century, the ancient treatise cuts, but also contributed his own wealth of archihad attracted humanist scholars and architects betectural and archaeological expertise. In Barbaro’s cause of the light it threw on the principles of anacknowledgement of Palladio’s assistance, he cient architecture which could be applied to conspecifically cites his work on the ancient Roman temporary design. Barbaro’s interest in Vitruvius theatre, the temples, the Roman basilica, and on the was representative of a general concern with anreconstruction of the Ionic volute. Equipped with cient architecture among Renaissance architects Latin and Greek and with extensive classical and and patrons which corresponded to the general inmathematical knowledge, Barbaro was the ideal terest in the classical past of the Renaissance. In the editor of Vitruvius. However, he clearly lacked preparation of the work, begun probably in 1547 architectural and archaeological experience, which

VII-X may be the work of Giuseppe Salviati, as they involve figurative techniques. It is well known that Palladio, who was originally a modest stone cutter in the Pedemuro workshop in Vicenza, unlike most Renaissance architects, did not receive training in painting or sculpture. As a result, his ability as a draughtsman was strictly limited to architectural drawing. D SG, dd The woodcut 4! On the verso of the title-page (A2v) of the 1556 Marcolini edition of Vitruvius is a full-page woodcut (mm 370 x 283), of two men in ancient dress among the ruins of buildings and examples of instruments and machines which are described by Vitruvius (FIG. 1). It includes a cartouche at the head bordered by two animal heads which can be interpreted a living version of the animal skulls that appear in the friezes of ancient buildings. The fact that the cartouche is left blank suggests that this woodcut Fic. 3 G. Salviati, Title-Page, from Le Sorti di Francesco Marcolino da Forli, Venice 1540 (Courtesy from the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana) may first have been intended to serve as a title-page for the book. It seems likely that it was reprobably prompted the collaboration with Palladio, placed in this function by a design by Palladio, with who according to Barbaro, worked as an architect the title set in the upper part of a triumphal arch in the finest manner ofthe ancients. The collaboabove a standing figure of Architecture (FIG. 2). In ration of humanist and architect in this endeavor the attic of this triumphal arch are allegories of Hisrepresented the climax of over a century of study tory, Geometry, Music and Astronomy, that are, in on the ancient text. Owing to this long collabora- Vitruvius’s view, all subjects relevant to the education and their close association between ca. 1550 tion and culture of architects. Between the half and 1556, Daniele Barbaro may have served as a columns of the arch, the allegories of Astronomy major influence on Palladio’s intellectual devel- (the bifrontal figure holding an armillary sphere) opment and Venetian patronage. As many as sevand Geometry (the figure holding compasses) are enty-three woodcuts in books I-VI of the 1556 duplicated. The triumphal arch is a slightly modiedition of Vitruvius may be attributed to Palladio fied version of the arch of the Gavii at Verona, dehimself, while some ofthe other blocks in Books signed in the first century of the Christian era by

fede 007 man of the same family as Vitruvius Pollio (in the Renaissance, the former was sometimes con- AE dd,Tese cl Lucius Vitruvius Cerdo, a freed- CARTE LIBRO a DI fused with the author of De ar- SABASTIANO SERLIO BOLO» GNESE, NEL Q VAL SI FIGVRANO, E DESCRIVONO LE chitectura libri X, as in Torelli ANTIQ VITA - NO DI ROMA, È IN ITALIA, E LE ALTRE CHE so» FVORI D'ITALIA + Saraina’s De origine et amplitudine civitatis Veronae, published in Verona in 1540). It is likely that Daniele Barbaro changed his mind during preparation for publication in favor of Palladio’s Ue title-page with its triumphal arch centered on the allegorical figure of Architecture, epitomizing the triumph of classical architecture in his own age. The alternative title-page has been attributed, on the basis of its style, to Giuseppe Salviati, who was responsible - according to A. Selva - for the ornamental statues and reliefs in the woodcuts attributed to Palladio.'3 Other blocks attributed to Salviati in Barbaro’s Vitruvius include those on pages 268 and 269, to which the Martini catalogue adds blocks A6v, A7r, C2v, RSr, and E6r.'* Barbaro mentions Salviati, «Nobile Pittore», in his appended note on the Ionic capital. Fic. 4 Sebastiano Serlio, Title-Page, from Sebastiano Serlio’s Terzo Libro, Venice 1540 (Courtesy from the Bibliothèque Municipale de Lyon) Giuseppe Porta called Salviati was born in 1520 in Castelnuovo della Garfahe painted the Sibyls, the Prophets, and the Cargnana, Modena. Orphaned at an early age, he dinal Virtues; and for the chapel, the Dead Christ was adopted by the Florentine painter Francesco with his mother and Mary Magdalen) and in sevde Rossi, known as Cecco Salviati because of the eral palaces and churches. Like Marcolini and protection which he had received from Cardinal Daniele Barbaro, he was also deeply interested in Salviati.!$ In 1539, Giuseppe Salviati accompamathematics.!* Soon after arriving at Venice, nied his master to Venice and, except for a brief Salviati began to cut xylographic decorated capreturn to Rome in 1565 to paint frescoes left initals for Marcolini’s press, and produced the large complete by his master for the Sala Regia in the woodcut plate which he signed in full for the ti- Vatican, remained there for the rest of his career. tle-page of Marcolini’s major work, Le Sorti di Active as a painter, Salviati is known for his Francesco Marcolino da Forli intitolate giarpaintings and frescoes both at the Doge’s Palace dino di pensieri (The Oracle called Garden of and at the Library of St. Mark in Venice (where Thoughts) - a playing-card based fortune-telling

book - published in 1540 (Fic. 3). He was proba round tower with a gnomon or sundial in the ably also the designer of the hundred smaller ilbackground, a ruined rusticated arcade resemlustrations within the book itself. Giuseppe bling those found in ancient theatres and am- Salviati continued to work at Marcolini’s shop phitheaters, and in 1552 published his Regola di far perfettacircular domed building clearly modeled on Bramente col compasso la voluta et del capitello iomante’s Tempietto at San Pietro in Montorio in nico, also printed by Marcolini and dedicated to Rome, the only modern building included later an Ionic triumphal arch, and a Daniele Barbaro. The Allegory of Architecture on by Palladio in the fourth book of his Quattro the verso of leaf A2 of Barbaro’s Vitruvius shows Libri dell’Architettura (Venice many stylistic analogies with Salviati’s docudeals with ancient Roman temples. The buildings mented woodcuts. and ruins shown in the woodcut are not exact The general scheme of the woodcut, with female quotations of specific ancient monuments but are herms framing classical buildings and ruins rather modern all'antica compositions, alluding shown in perspective, resembles Sebastiano Serto the programmatic role of an edition of Vitru- 1570), which lio’s title-page for the Terzo Libro (FIG. 4), a book vius for contemporary architectural design. that documents the antiquities of the Roman Em- The coat of arms in the center of the composition pire with magnificent woodcuts of temples, and below the cartouche is that of Daniele Barbaths, amphitheaters, triumphal arches and other baro - a red ring over a white ground - as it apstructures and which was also published by pears, for example, in Le armi ovvero insigne di Francesco Marcolini in 1540. It is likely that tutti li nobili della magnifica citta di Venetia, Salviati took Serlio’s woodcut as a point of dec’hora vivono (Venice 1578, Fics. 5-6). Two feparture although male figures holding an olive branch and a palm, Daniele Barbaro may have been responsible for for his own composition, personifying respectively Peace and Victory supits elaborate and erudite iconographic program. port the coat of arms and confer on the image The architecture shown in the woodcut includes symbolic meaning associated with Daniele Bar-

baro and his family. According to Cinquecento istotle, which were published in Venice in 1562. mythographers, such as Piero Valeriano!” and In Vitruvius’ view, expressed in Book I, chapter Vincenzo Cartari,'® Peace and Concord are one one (On the training of architects), and the same, carrying attributes of olive branches and cornucopias. Cesare Ripa subsequently adds The science of the architect depends upon many that the olive tree is an attribute of Pallas Mindisciplines and various apprenticeships which are carerva, Goddess of Peace.'? The palm - an attribried out in other arts” [...] [the architect] should be a ute of the personification of Victory - alludes to man of letters, a skillful draughtsman, a mathematireligious triumph, as martyrs who carry the palm cian, familiar with historical studies, a diligent stuas symbol of eternal life, triumph over death.? dent of philosophy, acquainted with music; not In Mannerist art, Peace and Victory are conignorant of medicine, learned in the responses of junected as personifications of antiwar, as seen in risconsults, familiar with astronomy and astronomi- Francesco Salviati’s Allegory of Peace of 1544, a cal calculations.” preparatory drawing from a sopraporta commissioned for the audience hall of Cosimo de’ Medici Vitruvius, however, treated music and musical in the Palazzo della Signoria in Florence?! harmony in his treatise as an aid to acoustics and Giuseppe Salviati’s imagery honors Daniele Barto the arrangement of certain mechanical devices baro in his religious and pacific political role of such as ballistae, catapultae and scorpiones (all patriarch-elect of Aquileia, and recalls earlier ancient military machines described by Vitruvius representations of political leadership in achievin Book X) that were thought to function most ing a peaceful government.” effectively when built with harmonic propor- The standing man on the left holding a crown can tions. The detailed digression of Vitruvius into be tentatively identified as Archimedes while the seated man holding compasses - the attribute of BARBARO Architecture - may be Vitruvius represented in the likeness of Daniele Barbaro, as the bearded head resembles that in his contemporary portrait painted by Paolo Veronese, now at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (Fics. 7-8). The musical instruments behind the desk where the man holding compasses is seated - two straight trumpets, a viola da braccia and a lute - recalls the importance of music and musical theory in the education and culture of the architect, as expounded in Book I. 1. 8-10 of Vitruvius’ treatise, and Barbaro’s musical interests. Barbaro was indeed an outstanding expert in harmonics and musical theory, a field closely related to mathematics. Apart from his lengthy excursus on the subject in his Vitruvian commentaries, he was the author of an unpublished Italian treatise on musical theory and harmonic proportions.* He also was consulted by Antonio Cogava (1529-1569) when the latter translated into Latin, at the request of Gioseffo Zarlino, the texts of the musici scriptores graeci Fic. 6 Daniele Barbaro’s coat of arms, from Le armi ovvero (Greek Writers on Music), including works on insigne di tutti li nobili della magnifica città di Venetia, c'hora musical theory by Aristoxenus, Ptolemy and Arvivono, Venice 1578 (Courtesy from Eton College, Windsor)

musical theory and the theory of harmonics was left unrelated to any broader architectural practice than such application. The application in Age of Humanism - remained fundamental to the whole Renaissance conception of proportion. Barbaro’s position is, in fact, similar to that of Alberti, since two references can be found in his Vitruvian commentaries to the use of harmonic proportions and to the role of musical theory in architectural design. One of these references appears in connection with the Vitruvian concept of eurythmia, and is merely a paraphrase of Alberti’s statement quoted above: The architect - writes Barbaro - should be aware of eurhythmy [numero] [...] Just as those proportions, whose sounds give delight to the ears, so the same applied to bodies delight the eyes.” The other reference is a similar statement, also clearly derived from Alberti, and reads: «What is consonance to the ears is beauty to the eyes». A similar comment was made by Palladio in the context of his report on a model for the cathedral of Brescia in 1567, in which he may be echoing Barbaro’s statements. On this occasion, he wrote: Renaissance architecture of the proportions of just as proportions of voices are harmony to the ears, so those of measurement are harmony to the eyes, which according to their habit delight [in them] to a great degree, without it being known why, save by those who study to know the reasons of things.” cluding Daniele Barbaro, who quotes frequently The importance of mathematics and engineering in architecture is expressed by what should be identified as the allegorical representation of the Greek scientist Archimedes holding the crown of Hero, whose discovery of the law of floating bodies is recorded by Vitruvius in Book IX, preface, 9-12, and illustrated in Fra Giovanni Giocondo’s edition of Vitruvius (Fics. 9-10). Archimedes’s harmonic intervals of Greek musical theory to spatial intervals and dimensions, which Barbaro seems to have pursued in his own Palladian villa at Maser, was therefore not derived from Vitruvius. Leon Battista Alberti’s exposition of the role of musical theory in architectural design in his De re aedificatoria was an accessible source for Renaissance architects and humanists, infrom Alberti in his commentaries. In book IX, chapter 5 of his treatise, Alberti states that: «the numbers by means of which the agreement of sounds affects our ears with delight, are the very same which please our eyes and our minds»,2° thus establishing a clear correspondence between musical intervals and architectural proportions. This doctrine - as Wittkower has shown in his Architectural Principles in the 12 works were gradually rediscovered in the course of the sixteenth century after the publication in Venice in 1501 of excerpts in Giorgio Valla’s De Rebus Expetendis et Fugiendis. It was followed by the publication also in Venice in 1543 and in 1558 of two editions of Archimedes’s works both entitled Archimedis Opera by the mathematicians Niccolö Tartaglia and Federico Commandino. Another important reference in the woodcut to

Rijksmuseum (Courtesy of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam) mathematics is the illustration above the tortoise preface, 14 (Fic. 11). The solution of Archytas is in the foreground of Archytas’s cylindrus. This the most remarkable, because it is not a conis copied from an illustration appearing in Fra struction in a plane but a bold construction in Giocondo’s 1511 edition of Vitruvius, illustratthree dimensions, determining a certain point as ing Archytas’ three-dimensional method for rethe intersection of three surfaces of revolution, solving the Delian problem of the duplication of (1) a cone, (2) a cylinder, and (3) a torus or anthe cube, mentioned by Vitruvius in Book IX, chor-ring. The intersection of the two latter sur-

on left: Fic. 9 G. Salviati (attributed to) detail of faces gives a certain curve (which is in fact doubly curved), and the point requ ired is found as the point in which the cone meets this curve. Vitruvius observed laconically in this Archytas solved the problem [of of the cube] by a diagram with respect that the duplication cylinders [the cylindrus represented in the woodcut] ; Eratosthenes by means of an instrument, the meso labium 3° A mesolabium literally means “mea n-taking”. But in antiquity it had a more limited mean ing, designating a mathematical instrument ascri bed to Eratosthenes for finding mechanically two mean proportional between two given lines. Pappus, in the first half of the fourth century A. D. provided a minute explanation of that instrume nt in Book III of his Mathematical Collection, clear ly mentioning the names of both the instrument and The problem of the duplication its inventor. of the cube, according to legend, is the most important ancient example ofa relationship between architecture and mathematics! The people of Delos were faced with an architectural conundru m concerninga reli- 14 Fic. 1 gious monument. The oracle had told an altar to Apollo twice as big as them to build the previous one, which was of a cubic form. But what should be the width of the new cube be in orde r to obtain a cube twice the volume of the original one? After a first, wrong, attempt consisting in doubling the side of the cube, the architectural request was for mathematicians, who had not yet discovered the algebraic calculation of irrational quantities. The three most famous answers to the quer y are the work mathematicians of the platonic era: of three Archytas, Eudoxus and Menaecmus. These solut ions were followed by several others, including one attributed to Apollonius that is particularly simple both conceptually and graphically. Apolloni us’ method is not among the two classic solutions that Vitruvius mentions in his treatise (those of Archytas and Eratosthenes), and that Barbaro was to illus trate in his commentaries on Vitruvius, adding Nicomedes’s proposal, a more complicated method of doubling the cube involving a geometrical method, now called the conchoid of Nicomedes. Salviati’s woodcut also alludes to the tripartite division of architecture as enunciat ed in Vitruvius’s

Book I, III, 1-2: «The parts of architecture are matical texts well-known to him, such as the three: Aedificatio or Building [Books I-VIII], Gnopseudo-Aristotelian Mechanica and Hero’s memonica or Dialing [Book IX], and Machinatio or chanical works, of which he completed an Italian Mechanics [Book X]».? In the woodcut, reference translation with illustrations, now apparently lost.** to Aedificatio is made by buildings and ruins and a His deep interest in mechanical technology is furcolumn shaft in the foreground. Gnomonica or the ther expressed in the mechanical experiments that making of time-pieces, discussed by Vitruvius in he undertook in the Venetian arsenal with the col- Book IX, is represented by an armillary sphere, a laboration of the Venetian patrician Niccolò Zen.’ sextant, the dial of Ktesibios’s water clock as reconstructed in Book IX of Barbaro’s Vitruvius, and a sundial attached to the top of a round tower in the Conclusion background. Machinatio, which deals with mechanical devices, is represented in the foreground Barbaro may well have been responsible for the by acrane, a clamp, a pulley, a tortoise (an ancient erudite iconography of the woodcut, as he is credmilitary machine the purpose of which was to fill ited at about the same time with other iconoditches in order to make possible the breaching of graphic programs, such as that of the Sala del the main wall of a besieged city) and by a miniature Consiglio dei Dieci in the Ducal palace, painted reconstruction of a tympanum or water-wheel for by Paolo Veronese between 1553 and 1556.36 If raising water (FIG. 12). All of these were described the identification of the seated man in ancient by Vitruvius in Book X and illustrated by wooddress holding compasses as Vitruvius represented cuts in Barbaro’s edition. In his commentaries, in the likeness of Daniele Barbaro is correct, he Barbaro referred repeatedly to this Vitruvian triwould thereby be claiming to be the new Vitrupartite scheme and considered also gnomonics or vius, as his audience would recognize. His direct dialing and mechanical technology discussed in involvement with architectural practice is, howbooks IX-X as important subjects for contemporary architectural practice. Books IX-X, however, provided him with the opportunity to display his deep and encyclopaedic mathematical knowledge acquired in the Arts Faculty at Padua, for example, in hydraulics, astronomy, gnomonics, pneumatics and mechanical technology. This last subject was characterized by Barbaro as the «third principal part of architecture, which deals with the theory and practice of machines and scientific instruments; a beautiful, useful and marvelous part», a subject most popular among the Venetian élite and Barbaro’s circle, as it was among Italian humanists in general. In commentaries to books IX and X, Barbaro cites Greek mathe-

ever, uncertain and in any case limited. Francesco published it in the Quattro Libri as his own work. Sansovino characterized him as «intend|en]tis- The woodcut, which Barbaro did not republish in simo» with regard to architecture and listed him, his 1567 Italian and Latin editions of Vitruvius, apalong with Palladio and his own father Jacopo pears to be a summary of his approach to the anamong the leading architects and architectural cient treatise and a “pictorial abstract” of his own experts in Venice.’ In the seventeenth century, architectural theory. Greek mathematics and clas- Ridolfi ascribed to him the design of the Palazzo sical mechanics are given a central place in this Trevisan on the Fondamenta Andrea Navagero in Murano (1555-7),% and he probably had a share scheme and are doubtless important aspects of the architectural practice of contemporary Venetian arin the design of the botanical garden in Padua, dechitects, as confirmed, for example, by the invensigned by the architect Andrea Moroni in 1545.39 tory of the library of Giovanni Antonio Rusconi (ca. He also may have been partly responsible for the 1515/1520-1578), which included 37 books on design of his villa at Maser, although Palladio these topics of the 146 listed in the inventory.” Notes: ' On Daniele Barbaro, see the short biographical article with a good bibliography by G. Alberigo, in Dizionario lao Barbaro’s (Daniele’s brother) of 4 April 1537, and ff. 71-72v to Daniele Barbaro of the same date. Franco biografico degli Italiani, V1, Rome 1964, pp. 89-95. See praised Barbaro’s mastery of all the sciences. See also S. also P. J. Laven, Daniele Barbaro, Patriarch-elect of Aquileia, with Special Reference to his Circle of Scholars gentilhuomo veneziano [...] uomo dottissimo in ogni geand to his Literary Achievement, University of London, nere di scienza, et non men buono che litterato». PhD thesis, 1957; P. Paschini, Daniele Barbaro letterato e 3 For the Venetian humanist attachment to mathematics, see P. L. Rose, The Italian Renaissance of Matheprelato veneziano del Cinquecento, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 16, 1962, pp. 73-107; B. Boucher, The last matics: Studies on Humanists and Mathematicians from Will of Daniele Barbaro, Journal ofthe Warburg and Cour- Petrarch to Galileo, Geneva 1975; Idem, Bartolomeo tauld Institutes, 42, 1979, pp. 277-82; and L. Cellauro, Zambertis Funeral Oration for the Humanist Enci- Daniele Barbaro and his Venetian Editions of Vitruvius of clopaedist Giorgio Valla, in C. H. Clough (ed.), Cultural 1556 and 1567, Studi Veneziani, n.s. 40, 2000, 87-134. Aspects of the Italian Renaissance. Essays in Honour of ? See, for example, N. Franco, De le lettere di Nicolò Franco ... Libri Tre, Vicenza 1604, f. 71 letter to Ermo- 16 Speroni, Opere, Venice 1740, I, 295: «Daniele Barbaro Paul Oskar Kristeller, London 1975, pp. 299-310. On the Accademia Venetiana, see P. L. Rose, The Ac-

cademia Venetiana: Science and Culture in Renaissance mentaire au «De Architectura» de Vitruve: livres 1, 2 et 3 Venice, Studi Veneziani, XI, 1969, pp. 191-242. In a pubpar Mgr. Daniel Barbaro, Paris 1995; B. Mitrovic, The Thelishing programme of ca. 300 texts, 103 were to be reory of Proportions in Daniele Barbaro s Commentary on lated to the sciences and included editions of the Vitruvius’ De Architectura, PhD Thesis, University of Pennclassical texts such as Aristotle, Plato (Timaeus), Euclid, sylvania 1996; M. M. D’Evelyn, Venice as Vitruvius5 City Archimedes, Pappus, Strabo, Galen and Hippocrates. in Daniele Barbaro s Commentaries, Studi Veneziani, n.s. 5 See P. L. Rose, A Venetian Patron and Mathematician 32, 1996, pp. 83-104 ; Idem, Varieta and the Caryatid Porof the Sixteenth Century: Francesco Barozzi, Studi tico in Daniele Barbaros Commentaries on Vitruvius, An- Veneziani, n. s. 1977, pp. 119-78. nali di Architettura, 10-11, 1998-1999, pp. 157-74; and V. 6 Fontana, “Arte” e “esperienza” On Contarini as a mathematician, see P. L. Rose, Jacopo Contarini (1536-1595): A Venetian Patron and nei trattati di architettura veneziani del Cinquecento, Architettura, 7, 1978, pp. 49-72. Collector of Mathematical Instruments and Books, Ph- !! ysis, XVIII, 1976, pp. 117-30. See also M. Tafuri, Dala technologie mécanique, in S. Deswarte-Rosa (ed.), Le niele Barbaro e la cultura scientifica del See L. Cellauro, Francesco Marcolini, l'architecture et '500, in traité d’Architecture de Sebastiano Serlio: Une grande en- Giovanni Battista Benedetti e il suo tempo, Atti del Contreprise éditoriale au XVI siècle, Volume I: Architecture vegno Internazionale di Studio, Venice 1987, pp. 55-81; et Imprimerie, Lyons 2004, pp. 79-80. Idem, Venezia e il Rinascimento, Turin 1985, particu- 2 See G. Schweikhard, Le antiquita di Verona di Giolarly ch. 5 (pp. 155-212): Scienza, politica e architetvanni Caroto, Venice 1977, p. 37; H. Burns, Le antichità tura: anticipi e resistenze nella Venezia del Cinquecento. di Verona e l'architettura del Rinascimento, in P. Marini 7 (ed.), Palladio e Verona, exh. cat., Verona 1980, p. 103. For a detailed survey of Barbaro’s education at the University of Padua, see Cellauro, cit. (above, n. 1), pp. 92- 13 See G. A. Selva, Delle differenti maniere di discri- 99, section I: Barbaro 5 education in the Faculty of vere la volute Jonica, Padua 1814, p. 18: «Le statue e Arts at the University of Padua and mathematical learning. bassirilievi che adornano le tavole architettoniche della $ See, for instance, B. Tomitano, Quattro Libri della prima edizione del Vitruvio [...] si riconoscono pur es- Lingua Thoscana, Padua 1579, f. 79: «il più bel ingegno sere opere del Salviati [Giuseppe Porta] e tutte sue sono [Daniele Barbaro], che habbia la nostra età»; and A. di le tavole alla pagine 4, 268, 269»; S. Casali, Annali della Fonte, Somma della Natural Filosofia, Venice 1557: in tipografia veneziana di Francesco Marcolini da Forlì, the dedicatory letter, Daniele Barbaro is characterized Forlì 1861, reprint Bologna 1953, pp. 265-269. as «il principale lume di questo secolo». 14 G. Martini, Bibliothèque Joseph Martini, Milan 1934- 2 35, II, no. 201. For Barbaro’s political and ecclesiastical careers, see Laven, cit. (above, n. 1). 15 For a comprehensive study of Porta’s career, see D. 10 D. Barbaro, J dieci libri dell’architettura di M. Vitruvio, McTavish, Giuseppe Porta called Salviati, New York tradutti et commentati da Mons. Daniele Barbaro eletto and London 1981. d’Aquileggia, Venice 1556. On Barbaro’s editions of Vitru- 16 For Salviati as a mathematician, see B. Boucher, vius, see L. Cellauro, Palladio e le illustrazioni delle edi- Giuseppe Salviati, pittore e matematico, Arte Veneta, zioni del 1556 e del 1567 di Vitruvio, Saggi e Memorie di 1983, pp. 170-174. Storia dell’ Arte, 22, 1998, pp. 55-128, and Idem, cit. (above, 17 See P. Valeriano, Hieroglyphica sive De sacris Aen. 1); and Idem, Daniele Barbaro and Vitruvius: The Archigyptorum, Basel 1556, passim. tectural Theory of a Renaissance Humanist and Patron, Pa- 18 See V. Cartari, Imagini delli Dei degl’Antichi, Venice pers of the British School at Rome, 72, 2004, pp. 293-329. 1556, passim. See also M. Tafuri, La norma e il programma: il Vitruvio di 19 See C. Ripa, /conologia, Rome 1603, with woodcuts, Daniele Barbaro, in I dieci libri dell'architettura tradotti e passim. commentati da Daniele Barbaro, Milan 1987 (reprint ofthe 20 See L. de Girolami Cheney, Giorgio Vasari s Teach- 1567 Italian edition), pp. XI-XL; M. Morresi, Le due ediers. Sacred and Profane Art, New York and Washington zioni dei commenti di Daniele Barbaro 1556-1567, in Ibi- D.C. 2007, p. 71. dem, pp. XLI-LVIII; E. Forssman, Palladio e Daniele 2! Ibidem. Barbaro, Bolletino del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Ar- 2 Cheney, cit. (above, n. 20), p. 72. chitettura “Andrea Palladio”, 8, 1966, pp. 68-81; A. Becker, 3 D. Barbaro, Della Musica, Biblioteca Comunale G. B. Ammerkungen zu Barbaros Vitruv, PhD Thesis, University Martini annessa al Conservatorio di Bologna, Ms. B. 26. of Mainz 1991; J. S. Ackerman, Daniele Barbaro and Vit- 24 F. Granger, Vitruvius on Architecture, Cambridge ruvius, in C. L. Striker (ed.), Architectural Studies in Mem- 1962, I, p. 7: «Architecti est scientia pluribus discipliory of Richard Krautheimer, Mayence 1996, pp. 1-5; P. nis et variis eruditionibus ornata, [cuius iudicio pro- Caye, Le savoir de Palladio: architecture, métaphysique et bantur omnia] quae ab ceteris artibus perficiuntur». politique dans la Venise du Cinquecento. Précédé du Com- 25 Ibidem, p. 8 : «Et ut litteratus sit, peritus graphidos,

eruditus geometria, historias complures noverit, philo- Alessandrino degli Automati, traslati, emendati e figurati: sophos diligenter audierit, musicam scierit, medicinae Opera di Monsignor Daniello Barbaro MS», and Barbaro, non sit ignarus, responsa iurisconsultorum, noverit, cit. (above n. 27), p. 466: «noi per diletto posto havemo astrologiam caelique rationes cognitas habeat». nella lingua nostra i libri di questo autore [Hero)». 26 L. B. Alberti, De re aedificatoria, Florence 1485, IX, 35 Barbaro, cit. (above n. 27), p. 271: «ma hora dal giudichap. 5: «Certissimum est naturam in omnibus sui esse cio del Magnigico messer Niccolò Zeno il tutto è stato ripersimilem. Sic se habet res. Hi quidem numeri per quos dotto in un ordine si bello, fiat ut vocum illa concinnitas auribus gratissima reddadà meravigliare il numero, & la grandezza delle cose, che & commodo, che non meno ci tur, idem ipsi numeri perficiunt, ut oculi animusque vol'ordine antedetto; cosa nata da uno amorevole studio, & inluptate mirifica compleantur». dustrioso giudicio di quell gentilhuomo, col quale io era so- 27 D, Barbaro, / dieci libri dell’architettura di M. Vitruvio, lito di andare molto spesso nell’Arsenale a far prove di levar tradotti et commentati da Mons. Daniele Barbaro, eletto pesi smisurati con poca fatica». For further information on d’Aquileggia, da lui riveduti et ampliati et hora in più com- Zen, his function at the Arsenal and his relationships with moda forma ridotti, Francesco de’ Franceschi e Giovanni Daniele Barbaro, see E. Concina, L’Arsenale della Repub- Criegher, Venezia 1567, p. 282: «L 'Architetto [...] haverà blica di Venezia, Milan 1984, pp. 122-124 and 146ff. avvertito al numero [...] & che quelle proportioni, che 36 For Barbaro’s role in the program of the paintings on danno diletto alle orecchie nelle voci, le istesse applicate a the ceilings of the chamber of the Council of Ten, see F. i corpi dilettano a gli occhi». Sansovino, Venetia citta nobilissima et singolare, Venice 28 Ibidem, pp. 124-125: «Quello che è consonanza alle 1581, fol. 123v. See also J. Schulz, Venetian Painted orecchie è bellezza a gli occhi». Ceilings of the Renaissance, Berkeley 1968. 29 See G. Zorzi, Le chiese e i ponti di Andrea Palladio, 37 F, Sansovino, Delle cose notabili che sono in Vene- Venice 1966, p. 88: «Le proporzioni delle voci sono arzia, libri due, Venice 1562, fol. 28v: «Se volete Archimonia delle orecchie, così quelle delle misure sono artetti ci é il Sansovino capo di tutti gli altri, Andrea monia degli occhi nostril, la quale secondo il suo costume Palladio, eccelente in questa professione, Mons[ignor] sommamente diletta senza sapersi il perchèfuori da quelli Daniel Barbaro intend.issimo e che ha tradotto il Vitruche studiano di sapere la ragioni delle cose». vio nella nostra lingua volgare». 30 Granger, cit. (above, n. 24), II, p. 206: «/taque Archy- 38 See C. Ridolfi, Le meraviglie dell’arte, ovvero le vite tas cylindrorum descriptionibus, Eratosthenes organica degli illustri pittori veneti e dello stato, Venice 1648, I, mesolabi ratione idem explicarevunt». p. 322: «In Murano nel palagio del signor Camillo Tre- 3! On the duplication of the cube, see S. Duvernoy, visan, che dicono fosse eretto coi modelli di monsignor Leonardo and Theoretical Mathematics, Nexus Network Daniel Barbaro, che scrisse sopra Vitruvio». For a sum- Journal, 10/1, 2008, pp. 39-49. mary of attributions of the Palazzo Trevisan, see E. 2 Granger, cit. (above, n. 24), I, p. 32: «Partes ipsius ar- Bassi, Palazzi di Venezia, Venice 1976, pp. 538ff. chitecturae sunt tres: aedificatio, gnomonice, machinatio». 39 See M. Guazzo, Historie ... di tutti i fatti degni di me- 33 Barbaro, cit. (above n. 27), p. 439: «terza parte prinmoraria nel mondo successi dell’anno MDXXTIII sino a cipale dell’Architettura posta nella cognitione, & nella questo presente, Venice 1546, where Barbaro and Pietro dispositione delle machine, & de gli strumenti, bella, da Noale, superintends to the botanical garden of Padua, utile, & meravigliosa pratica». are described as «inventori» of its architecture 34 See F. Argellati, Biblioteca degli Volgarizzatori, o sia 40 See L. Cellauro, La biblioteca di un architetto del Ri- Notizie dall’Opere Volgarizzate che scrissero in lingua nascimento: la raccolta di libri di Giovanni Antonio Rumorte prima del secolo XV, Milan 1767, IV, p. 290: «Erone sconi, Arte Veneta, 58/59, 2001, pp. 222-241. COMPENDIO L’autore fornisce un’analisi dettagliata dell’iconografia dell’incisione con l’ Allegoria dell’Architettura eseguita da Giuseppe Porta detto il Salviati, che fa da frontespizio dell’edizione “vitruviana” del 1556 di Daniele Barbaro. Umanista, letterato, collezionista, mecenate, e soprattutto studioso di matematica e di architettura, Daniele Barbaro è stata una delle figure più eminenti del Rinascimento Veneziano. La sua opera maggiore, a cui dedicò nove anni di lavoro, è l’edizione e la traduzione italiana del De Architectura di Vitruvio pubblicata da Francesco Marcolini da Forlì con l’inserimento di incisioni di Palladio. L’incisione è attribuita al Salviati per confronti di stile, e avvalorata dagli intensi rapporti dell'artista con Daniele Barbaro. Il frontespizio è decorato da figure di animali, motivi architettonici, rovine, strumenti musicali, e da allegorie della Storia, Geometria, Musica e Astronomia indicate da Vitruvio come elementi essenziali dell'educazione dell’architetto. Tra le figure ve ne è una che potrebbe essere il ritratto del committente rappresentato come Vitruvio, committente che probabilmente è stato l’erudito suggeritore del progetto.

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