The Tomb of the Diver (Tomba del Tuffatore at Paestum)

Author(s): R. Ross Hollo a Source: American Journal of Archaeolog , Vol. 110, No. 3 (Jul., 2006), pp. 365-388 Published b : Archaeological Institute of America Stable URL: https:// .jstor.org/stable/40024548 Accessed: 19-03-2020 15:23 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https:// .jstor.org/stable/40024548?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You ma need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a ide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technolog and facilitate ne and tools to increase productivit forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates our acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Archaeological Institute of America is collaborating e tend access to American Journal of Archaeolog ith JSTOR to digiti e, preserve and This content downloaded from 192.87.31.20 on Thu, 19 Mar 2020 15:23:24 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

the walls of a tomb, which was no larger than a good- Abstract Dating from about 470 B.C., the frescoes of the Tomba sized sarcophagus (see dimensions in fig. 2). A fifth del Tuffatore (Tomb of the Diver) at Paestum are the slab formed the roof. The natural rock surface served only example of Greek wall painting with figured scenes as the floor. The paintings covering the walls of the from the Orientalizing, Archaic, or Classical periods to tomb place the viewer in the center of a symposium: survive in their entirety. Close examination of the paintings shows the working practices of the artists. Technithe evening gathering of citizens of Greek commucally these are similar to those of the painters of Etruscan nities devoted to conversation, poetry, and politics, tombs of the period. There is a world of difference, howamid the added pleasures of wine and erotic advenever, between the purpose and conceptualization of ture. Despite its unique status as a tomb painting, Etruscan tomb painting and that revealed in the Tomb the symposium scene of the Tomb of the Diver is of the Diver. Furthermore, although interpretations claiming Orphic or Pythagorean significance have been oddly familiar because the same scene, composed in advanced, reconsideration of the frescoes gives some reasimilar fashion, is well known from the decoration son to think that the program for the tomb’s decoration of contemporary Attic painted pottery, red-figure cups may have been of the simplest nature and developed by and wine-mixing vessels intended for use at the symthe artists themselves from prototypes in Attic vase paintposium. This cannot be said for the painting found ing available to them in Italy. Thus, although the diver on the ceiling of the tomb. The image of a diver is may make reference to the moment of death and the symposium may have been intended to create a welcomalmost unknown in Greek art, and this scene of a ing scene to surround the dead man in the tomb, the lonely figure plunging past a masonry tower into a creation of these frescoes may owe more to the initiative stream is unique. of the painters than to any complexities of philosophy.” I had the good fortune to see the paintings of the tomb two days after their discovery, on 5 June 1968, INTRODUCTION some 1,500 m south of the city walls of Paestum. I was The Tomb of the Diver is the only example of in the company of Prof. Mario Napoli, then Superin- Greek painting with figured scenes dating from the tendent of Antiquities for the Provinces of Salerno, Orientalizing, Archaic, or Classical periods to survive Benevento, and Avellino, and the discoverer of the in its entirety (fig. 1). Among the thousands of Greek tomb, and Prof. Venturino Panebianco, then Directombs known from this time (roughly 700-400 B.C.), tor of the Museums of the Province of Salerno.* We this is the only one to have been decorated with fressaw the paintings of the tomb in the darkened storcoes of human subjects. It was created about 470 B.C., age room of the museum at Paestum to which they in the Greek city of Poseidonia (in Roman times had been taken. The conversation among us turned known as Paestum) on the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy without delay to the salient problems presented by the just south of Salerno. Although little of the skeleton appearance of this hitherto unsuspected discovery. was preserved, it is widely assumed that the occupant Panebianco wanted us to remember that Paestum’s was a young man. A plain black-glazed lekythos of location near the mouth of the Sele River, considabout 480 accompanied him, as did the carapace of ered by the ancients to be the border between Greek a tortoise, which almost surely had been the soundand Italic-Etruscan Italy, meant that tomb painting ing box of a lyre, the wooden frame of which had at Paestum should be viewed in relation to influence completely disintegrated.' Four separate slabs formed from the Etruscans, whose archaic and classical tomb * The author expresses his gratitude to Dr. Giuliana Tocco useful references are also due to Profs. Thomas H. Carpenter, Sciarelli, Superintendent of Cultural Property for the Provinces Maurizio Gualtieri, and Silvio Panciera. I am further indebted of Salerno, Avellino and Benevento, and to Dr. Marina Cipriani, to Alice Walsh for drawing fig. 1 and to Brooke Hammerle for Director of the National Archaeological Museum of Paestum, copy photographs. Two aryballos spouts were also present (Napoli 1970, 67- for their many courtesies to him in connection with the study 8). of these painting and the preparation of this article. An even “The color photographs of the tomb frescoes in this article greater debt is owed to the late Prof. Mario Napoli, dedicated were taken by the author on that occasion. archaeologist and generous friend. Thanks for important and American Journal of Archaeology 110 (2006) 365-88

ti == — == TZ == — + FE sen, # . y -. n he BRETT paintings are well known and are documented as far images from the tomb, but the discussion in the south as Capua in inland Campania. Napoli emphalearned literature developed slowly. Such an unusual sized the Greekness of these paintings and the probmonument, furthermore, was not easy to accommolem of the thematic, and no doubt symbolic, date in general evolutionary treatments of ancient art. connection between the diver and the symposium The purpose of the present article is, first of all, to scene. These two topics have dominated scholarship provide a new documentation of the tomb, reviewon the tomb for the last half century. ing the observations made by Napoli on its technique Publication of the tomb was rapid. An initial arand execution. It then takes up the problem of the ticle in Le Scienze in 1969 was followed the next year message to be read in the decoration of this unique by Napoli’s book, La Tomba del Tuffatore.? In both, the monument. discoverer’s observations on the technique and style of the paintings were laid out, together with a sober DESCRIPTION OF THE FRESCOES view of the interpretive problems raised by the deco- The painting of a symposium occupies the four walls ration. The reception of these publications in the of the tomb (figs. 3-8). On each of the two long walls world of classical archaeology was curiously restrained. (north and south), three couches and their serving To the best of my knowledge, only two reviews of tables are positioned so as to appear to rest on the Napoli’s book were published in scholarly journals, broad red dado below them.’ There are five occupants both in Italy.* The sensation of the discovery was, of of the couches on each wall: a single symposiast on course, clear and led to widespread reproduction of the left-hand couch and a couple on each of the ° Napoli 1969, 1970. ‘Bianchi Bandinelli 1970; Arias 1972. 5 On the association of the color red and death, see Gernet

223,5 17 99 193,5 224,41 17 5 A | 192,41 | i 5,02 | | (©) a e A S O | = z| 1 | 195,5 \5,5_ 212 193 pis] ul Ná 218 210 97,43 | | | — f—- 10 South Wall North Wall East Wall 1] 94,43 L N Un = T ab = | Na | | 215 98 101 | | West Wall Cover Slab Fig. 2. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. Individual slabs with dimensions (drawing by M. Cipriani). adjoining two couches. Each of the figures is covered ther kline. Here the youth grasps his lyre to his chest below the waist by a coverlet. They are all crowned, while discouraging the advances of the older man and additional crowns are placed on the serving who caresses his head.” tables. The serving tables have three legs, and de- On the south wall, the first couch (to the left) has tailed reconstructions of them were made by Napoli.* a single symposiast holding his lyre balanced against The klinai are painted in undercoat only. his knee while looking back toward his companions. On the north wall, the single symposiast prepares In the center, the two figures occupy the couch conto try his luck at the kottabos game. He is sighting over verse; at right, the younger man plays the double flute his kylix, in which there are wine lees ready to be and his companion raises his voice in song.* projected toward the target (not shown), as is being The west short wall of the tomb represents a done by the nearer symposiast reclining on the censymposiast, nude but with a stole over his arms, leavtral couch. The older man of the pair on the central ing the gathering (as indicated by his gesture of sepacouch turns his attention to the couple on the farration).’ He is preceded by a flute girl and followed * Napoli 1970, 110. line, indicating the edge of the coverlet across the youth’s stom- "A single coverlet covers both, over the older man’s body ach. Since the coverlet was never given its final treatment, save below the waist, then passing behind the striped pillow and for two disconnected lines descending below the youth’s right reappearing over the lower body of the youth, where it is decohand and right elbow, the relation of flesh color and outline rated with wavy lines in dilute black. The coverlet over the youth’s places us in a position to make some observations about the legs has a slightly reddish cream color. Itis not the same shade sequence of the work. The youth’s body was given its flesh color as the faded color of the klinai frames or of the costume of the first. Next, the upper edge of the coverlet was indicated by the flute girl on the west wall. The coverlet over the older man was black outline. Clearly, ifhe had finished the coverlet, the painter not finished. His teeth are carefully rendered. The black outwould have colored it up to the black line, thus covering the line on his neck does not follow the edge of the area covered superfluous flesh tone outside it. Similarly, a runnel of red paint by the skin coloring but is well inside it. Both the youth and the has invaded the area reserved for the pillow below the youth’s older man have red dots on their cheeks, which appear to be left elbow, which would have been covered if the painting of the the result of careless application of deep red color on the figpillow had been finished. There is another smudge of red beures. There are preparatory lines in light red at the youth's tween the left leg of the serving table and the adjoining leg of waist and along the edge of the coverlet, just above the blue line the kline. of the fabric covering the kline. The red line curling up from “This gesture is discussed in Boegehold (1999, ch. 2). In the the coverlet over the frame of the youth's lyre is apparently a figure, black outline was used sparingly; preliminary outline in mistake. There is a dab of black paint below the kylix at the right red is visible, especially along the trailing edge of the figure’s of the serving table. right leg. ®In the central group, the flesh color dips below the black

ra Fig. 5. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. East wall. Fig. 6. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. West wall.

Fig. 7. Paestum, Tomb of the Diiver. North wall, detai ls.

Fig. 8. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, details.

by a man wearing a himation and using a walking the painting was carried out, thus causing the shiftstick.” All of the figures are wreathed. The flute girl ing of the black frame and the displacement of one wears a Cap with a knot or loop at its top, and a wreath." of the palmettes upward and inward in the direction She is not a child; she has fully developed breasts." of the tower." On the east short wall, a serving boy, nude but The paintings of the Tomb of the Diver were excrowned, is seen beside a table on which there stands ecuted in true fresco. The plaster was applied in a a crater, which is also wreathed. There are additional single layer,'* and two methods were employed in the wreaths on the table." design: it was first incised with a stylus (presumably The painting of the ceiling gives its name to the made of wood) and then rendered with a thin red tomb (fig. 9). Within a black frame marked at its corline.!” Napoli made a careful record of these preliminers by palmettes, a diver descends into a pool or nary sketches, which are invaluable evidence for of stream of blue-green water.'* Below him is a tower how the paintings were created, especially for the rising from the water and behind it a tree growing changes from the original designs of the preliminary out of the frame of the picture as if it were a sharply sketch of the pair of symposiasts sharing a single rising cliff face. A second tree marks the other boundcouch at the ends of both the north and south walls. ary of the water. The diver’s anatomy is detailed. His On the north wall, the final version of the painting ribs are drawn in a complicated pattern. His legs and differs notably from the preliminary sketch. In the arms are clearly delineated. His genitals are carefully pair of symposiasts occupying the right-hand couch, rendered, and a small growth of hair has been added the youth’s head and upper body were repositioned, to the chin in dilute paint. The figure is fully outand his right arm, which had originally been extended lined in black. The ends of the long walls are recessed to form a over his leg, is turned in the gesture of refusal that we see in the final painting. A similar repositioning joint with the side walls. The cover slab rested on the of the head is found in the young symposiast flute walls thus bonded to sustain its weight. The cover player on the south wall. The sketch for both of these slab, however, is cracked across its middle. A second elements of the symposium scene was carried out by crack, which led to the separation of a corner of the incision.!° ceiling slab, is found to the right and below the tower, The colors employed are black, red in various contree, and palmette at the right side of the painting. centrations (producing tones from bright red through The slab had apparently already lost its corner when red-brown to deep red), blue, green, and white. An "The hanging folds of the himation of the older man were (Arias and Hirmer 1960, fig. 42). made by first tracing two vertical lines in black with a straight »The interpretation of the resulting aperture in the ceiling edge. The same practice was followed in the outer line of the of the tomb as an intentional opening to the outside is discussed trailing folds of the himation below the right arm. below. '! For parallels, see Zancani Montuoro 1983. As noted by ‘The discussion in Napoli (1970, 95-108) is fundamental. Otto (2003), the crown of the flute girl has triple projecting Cf., however, the remarks of Cipriani et al. (2002) and Melucco ends, while that of her youthful companion has two, and all Vaccaro (1988), who note that the plastered surface is a single other figures in the symposium scene have crowns with only layer, not two as thought by Napoli. According to Melucco Vaccone projecting end. aro, a portion of the south wall (symposium scene) was re- Her lower left leg was made wider than that indicated by touched after the plaster had dried using a clay-based surfacing. the preliminary sketch. Her right foot was moved slightly to the "The procedures employed can be paralleled in Etruscan right. The original intention was possibly to show her with a tomb paintings (see Vlad Borrelli 1991). Napoli (1970, 167- somewhat shorter upper garment, as suggested by the original 71) refers to the execution of the preliminary sketch in red as lines of her two legs, which extend upward above the hemline a “sinopia,” a term then criticized by Bianchi Bandinelli (1970) that was finally adopted. The chiton appears at her neck and as inexact if it is to be understood in the same sense, which it emerges below the overgarment. The dark outline for the lower has in discussion of Renaissance and Baroque painting where edge of the chiton between her ankles was never added. The between the preliminary sketch and the fresco itself there is an pale tone of her clothing in its present condition may be an additional layer of plaster. undercoat only, suggesting that the garments were never given their final coloring. For the preliminary sketch lines identified by him, see Napoli 1970, figs. 79, 91-4. The oinochoe in the boy’s hand was left unfinished; it is This is true also of the legs of the klinai on the north wall, shown only in preparatory outline. There is an odd hanging which were adjusted significantly during the final execution of leaf at the base of the right handle of the krater. It appears to the paintings. Along the north wall, moving from right to left, be a mistake. For the shape of the krater, a hybrid between the legs of the first kline were moved to the left. The right leg Greek and Lucanian shapes, see Loliucchi (forthcoming). of the middle kline was shifted toward the right, while the legs '* The water is given a swelling form used in Greek painting as early as the Francois Vase in the first half of the sixth century of the kline at the left end of the group were moved farther to the left than originally planned.

‘ Vier Fig. 9. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. Cover slab. olive color is used for the wreaths worn by every figure on the older symposiast of the pair on the right-hand in the symposium scene, the leaves of the trees in the couch of the north wall. The left arm of the latter rests diving scene, and, in the symposium scene, for the on a pillow, a part of which is unfinished. It was eviwreaths adorning the krater on the west wall and disdently intended to be red, and the same red would played on the serving tables beside the klinai. There have been carried up onto the arm of the symposiast. is also evidence of a grayish undercoating, visible on But this was not done, leaving a light area on the the klinai and in the costume of the flute girl of the symposiast’s arm exactly matching the unfinished area west wall. The coverlet of the symposiast on the far of the pillow. The procedure can also be seen clearly in left of the north wall is in the same shade. The princithe case of the trees of the ceiling painting. The underpal color is a red found in the flesh tones and the coat is a red-pink. The upper coat, used only for the palmette petals, stems, and ends of the volutes in the bark of the main trunk, is deep red.” diving scene; it is also used for the tree trunks, as well Black outline is used extensively, both to silhouas for the high dado below the symposium scene. The ette figures and to render anatomical detail. It is imapplication of the red color over large areas of the portant to note, however, that the figures were not painting is somewhat uneven. This is especially vispainted by beginning with a black outline. Their inible on the dado. More than once, droplets of paint ternal anatomy and their outlining were added after ran down onto the dado (e.g., immediately below the the flesh tones had been painted on the plaster. In flute girl on the west wall). These runnels show that many parts of the paintings, there is no outline for in the final coat the paint was applied in a dense state the figures beyond that provided by the preliminary to produce the tone of the red of the serving tables; it sketch. However, the figure of the flute girl on the is also found among the pillows on which the west wall suggests the use of a pale undercoating to symposiasts recline and in other details such as the define the area of the figure before black outline was cap and double flutes of the flute girl. The exposed added. The same undercoat is visible on the long flesh of the reclining figures of the symposiasts and walls of the tomb, on the coverlet of the symposiast the male figures of the two end walls was also painted on the far left of the north wall, and on the frames in two stages, first in a lighter shade and then in the of the klinai on both long walls. Rather than repredenser final coat. This was applied unevenly, however, senting a faded condition of their final state, they producing an interesting pattern of vertical, narrow seem to have been left unfinished. The serving table brushstrokes on the nude youth of the west wall and of the couple in the center of the north wall docu- °° The same technique was employed for the palmettes at the four corners of the cover slab.

ments painting in deep red over this undercoating, draftsman.” The Maestro della Lastra Sud was, in his which is visible outside the finished area of both words, “[l]ess expert and here and there displaying legs.*! Presumably the klinai frames would have been an uncertain and less incisive hand.”* Certainly the completed in the same deep red as the serving tables. Maestro della Lastra Sud avoided the complexities The coverlets of the central group and of the single of overlapping found in his colleague’s work and symposiast on the south wall also appear to be unmade no experiments with foreshortening. finished, left in white or reddish cream with no fur- However, the overall layout of the two long walls ther decoration such as we find in dilute black on with the reclining symposiasts was clearly a single dethe coverlet of the couple occupying the far right sign, and it is possible that it was prepared by neither couch on the north wall. The black lines of the chest of the two masters but by the leader of their atelier. and stomach musculature as represented on the north In executing the design, the Maestro del Tuffatore and west walls are a stereotype taken from contemintroduced significant variations from the original porary Attic red-figure pottery, used without variation sketch in his best figures on the north wall of the on the single symposiast at the left, the right-hand tomb. The Maestro della Lastra Sud, on the other figure on each of the other two couches, and with hand, was more faithful in following the preliminary some foreshortening, on the youth in the center of sketch. Of course, even while recognizing that there the scene with the flute girl on the west wall. were two main hands at work on the paintings for This detailing of internal anatomy, not found on the tomb, one must still suppose a workshop with the south wall, is one of the elements that suggested the usual complement of assistants. Certainly the to Napoli that two master painters were involved in completion of the couch covers on the north wall the creation of the tomb.” The Maestro del Tuffatore was entrusted to such an apprentice, who, in his haste, executed the north wall and the scene of the diver ran his blue line between the middle couch and the on the ceiling. He may also be credited with the paintcouch adjoining it to the left with no break between ings of the two short walls. His are the remarkably the two couches. And a similar moment unworthy varied and expressive heads of the symposiasts of the of the main painters can be noted in the summary north wall, three bearded men and two youths, who, striping of the coverlet of the youth with a lyre on however, are not replicas of one another but each a the far right-hand kline of the north wall. Black outdistinctive individual; the more graceful is the youth line was used by the Maestro della Lastra Sud more on the right-hand kline, the more masculine, the sparingly than by the Maestro del Tuffatore. His work kottabos player with his raised kylix on the central is notable for the simplicity of its anatomical couch. This artist worked easily with overlapping markings. planes, especially in the rendition of the couples of The hand of the Maestro del Tuffatore emerges symposiasts on the north wall. He was at home with on the west wall in the head of the man wearing a foreshortening, of which there is a remarkable exhimation, in the anatomy of the youth in the center ample in the upraised right hand of the kottabos of the scene, and in the figure of the flute girl in the player of the central kline of the north wall. The treatoverlapping planes of her two arms and of her hands ment of the beards and hair is wonderfully detailed; on the double flute. The east wall also appears to be each strand of the short curly beards is rendered with the work of the Maestro del Tuffatore. The leg of a separate line, a treatment that continues along the the serving boy has the same three lines marking edge of the hair over the neck and forehead.” But the shin that are found on the leg of the youth of the Maestro del Tuffatore shares this technique with the west wall. A characteristic “hook” for the ankle a second painter, the Maestro della Lastra Sud, who bone is also found on the serving boy, the youth, was responsible for the south wall of the tomb.** And and the man in the himation on the west wall. in the work of both painters there is an enlivened facial expression because the white of the eyeball is RELATION TO ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTING indeed white, a characteristic that is, of course, lost As exceptional as it was in the Greek world, the in red-figure pottery. Napoli characterized the Mae- Tomb of the Diver’s painted interior was far from stro del Tuffatore as “[a] free and more self-confident unique in contemporary Italy. Indeed, together with *! The undercoat design of the left leg of this table extended upward to join the frame of the kline. # Napoli 1970, 185-89. 23 On the Maestro del Tuffatore, see the excellent discussion of Rouveret 1989, 139-57. *4 And, according to Napoli (1970), the two short walls of the tomb. 95 [73 [U]n disegnatore più disinvolto e sicuro”; “un disegnatore meno esperto e dalla mano qua e là incerta e meno incisive” (Napoli 1970, 185).

the painted tomb of similar date at Capua, it repre- After 540, and in the hands of the lonian painters sents a southern extension of the taste for painting in who arrived in Etruria in the wake of the Persian conthe interior of tombs that was particularly strong in quests in Asia Minor, a recurring convention domisouthern Etruria but not unknown, though reprenated Etruscan painting at Tarquinia. A scene of the sented by tombs lacking figural decoration on their funeral celebration in and around the tent erected painted walls, in Messapia (Ugentum) and at for the purpose was reproduced pictorially in the It is in Etruria, however, that tomb painting had ments of the former preoccupation with apotropaic Tarentum.” tomb to placate and honor the dead, although eledeveloped into an important and frequently pracimagery were not lacking. This is evidenced by the ticed art. Etruscan chamber tombs began to be decofierce animals still found in the gable triangles of rated during the seventh century.” The line of these tombs and touches such as the gesture of the waterfowl in the Tomba delle Anatre (Tomb of the woman dancer of the Tomba delle Leonesse (Tomb Water Fowl) at Veii begins the series of figured scenes.” of the Lioness), her fingers forming the horn of pro- In the same group of early tombs, the Tomba dei tection against the Evil Eye.” Leoni Dipinti (Tomb of the Painted Lions) and the At an early stage in the formation of the tent and Tomba degli Animali Dipinti (Tomb of the Painted funeral banquet convention at Tarqunia, a set of fres- Animals) at Cerveteri introduced fierce and apocoes was executed that constitute an unicum in tropaic animals with the obvious purpose of defeat- Etruscan tomb painting. These are the paintings of ing those influences malevolent to the living or to the Tomba della Caccia e della Pesca (Tomb of Huntthe dead.” In the sixth century, Etruscan painters at ing and Fishing).** The program of decoration of Tarquinia made an isolated excursion into the repthis tomb can be described as both conventional and resentation of Greek mythology in the Tomba dei uniquely adventurous. The outer chamber has clear Tori (Tomb of the Bulls), in which the scene of the ties with the past of tomb painting at Tarquinia. ambush of Troilos raises the question of the pen- Around its four walls a scene of frenzied dancing etration of Etruria by Greek culture.” While some takes place in a grove where various objects (wreaths, scholars have gone so far as to hold that Etruria was baskets, mirrors) hang from the trees. This is not so influenced by Greek imagery, Greek religion, and the first appearance of trees in the Tarquinian the customs of Greek society (seen especially in the painted tombs. There is a frieze of trees below the banquet) that it became no more than a provincial Troilos scene in the Tomb of the Bulls, and the sigversion of Greece and Magna Graecia, it is also posnificance of trees in defining place in these scenes sible, and in my opinion closer to reality, to recoghas been pointed out.” Over the doorway leading to nize the independence in language, religion, and the inner chamber we find a return from the hunt probably funeral beliefs among the Etruscans, de- (two servants carry the game suspended on a pole). spite the wholesale adoption of Greek visual imagery There are two figures on horseback and a huntsman by the Etruscans, the presence of Greek merchants on foot with two dogs. Because this is a return from in the Etruria’s harbor towns, and the arrival of Greek the hunt, it cannot be interpreted as the beginning expatriates on Etruscan soil.” So, in the case of the of a journey to the underworld. But the lush vegeta- Tomb of the Bulls, I have argued that the ambush tion in which the procession takes place, so familiar and sacrifice of Troilos was used for expiatory and from the seventh-century Campana Tomb at Veïi, apotropaic purposes in its Etruscan setting rather may lead one to speculate that this image belongs to than as a gesture to any aspect of Hellenism.” the same tradition and serves to snare the Evil Eye.” “Capua: Weege 1909, no. 15; Ugentum: Lo Porto 1970; Tar- 31 “L’Etruria è una delle province della cultura greca” (d’Agentum: Napoli 1970, 89, fig. 29; see also Tinè Bertocchi 1964, ostino and Cerchiai 1999, xix). The classic expression of this 113, no. 54; Dell’Aglio and Lippolis 2003, 133, no. 1. 27 For painting in the Etruscan chamber tombs, see Steingraber (1986) and Naso (1996), the latter a work that has the virtue of collecting the many examples of the simple use of color train of thoughtis Hampe and Simon (1964), but for the Etruscan craftsman as the uncertain adapter of Greek originals, see Camporeale 1965, 1968, 1969; Gran-Aymerich 1999. ® Holloway 1986. to emphasize architectural details, as well as what one normally 38 Steingraber 1986, no. 77. For the birth and development thinks of as “painted tombs.” It is readily apparent from Naso’s ofthe tent convention, see Holloway 1965. On the Evil Eye and work how exceptional tombs with painted figural decoration charms against it, see Elworthy 1895; Levi 1951. were in early Etruria. # Steingraber 1986, no. 175. 2 Steingräber 1986, nos. 3, 6. “ Steingraber 1986, no. 120. * Steingraber 1986, no. 50. # Rouveret 1988a. % For the Campana Tomb at Veii, see Steingraber 1986, no.

That is certainly the purpose of the grove and dance on the main register of the walls. The trees delimit, but they are festooned with objects that can attract (and, in the case of the mirrors, dazzle) the malicious gaze. And the dancers with their vigorous gestures serve further to distract the same dangerous force. The inner chamber of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing is renowned for the panorama of seashore, fowling, fishing, and swimming that surrounds its four walls. There is, however, a second scene occupying the gable at the far end of the chamber. A banqueting couple, surrounded by servants and entertained by a flautist, reclines in comfort. The man offers a wreath to his companion. Two girls at the feet of the woman weave more wreaths. At the other side, manservants are busy around the kraters and other vessels. All in all, this appears to be a scene of pleasant conviviality. Is it an excerpt from the kind of banqueting scenes that were beginning to appear at this time in Tarquinian tombs depicting the funeral feast? Fig. 10. Tarquinia, Tomb of Hunting and Fishing. Inner chamber, detail (courtesy Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell’Etruria Meridionale). Or is it an image of the dead patronus and his spouse, familiar from the well-known Sarcofago degli Sposi (Sarcophagus of the Married Couple) from Cerve- But instead he painted a vast panorama of sky, sea, teri?” The position of the painting, however, should and land. It has been observed that the style of the make one hesitant to accept either of these alternafigures in this scene has much in common with that tives outright. The gable is the place for apotropaic of Samian black-figure cups.” The scene that was creimages, and, in fact, at the opposite end of the same ated in the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing, however, chamber, over the doorway leading to the antechamhas a scope that is otherwise unparalleled in the art ber of the tomb, there are two apotropaic felines. of its day. One element, and one element only, of Moreover, subtle details suggest that the dining this scene is the diver plunging from a rocky headcouple has a similar function. The man is making land into the sea. How different is this concept of overt advances to the woman. His leg is curling sugdecoration in the tomb from that of the Paestan gestively around her waist and his hand is resting on image of the diver, caught alone in the moment of her shoulder. There is more than a faint hint of sex, death but assuring the occupant of the tomb lying and the Evil Eye, itself the enemy of potency, faces below that death is a brief passage to the further defeat by any show of sexual vigor. Thus any intershore, as is argued below. It is difficult to imagine pretation of this couple must recognize its apotropaic that the Etruscan diver could have been the bearer overtones.”® of any symbolic reference, especially symbolic refer- And so we turn to the diver in that extraordinary ence to Greek legend or belief.‘ A similar image was scene of man and nature that fills the lower walls of thus employed, in one case in Tarquinia, in the other the inner tomb chamber (fig. 10). Having protected at Paestum, in different contexts and for very differthe dead from malevolence that could disturb them, ent purposes. the painter of the tomb might well have turned to Thus Etruscan tomb painting was without questhe themes of the funeral celebration for the decotion a factor in the creation of the Tomb of the Diver. ration of the walls of the inner chamber of the tomb. But it was no more than a distant exemplar of what 57 Pallottino 1980, figs. 170-73. Hunting and Fishing in relation to the artistic formation of * Holloway (1965) proposes that the single couple stands for Jonian artists before their migration to Etruria. the group of banqueters. One may note further that the woman # It will be clear, therefore, that we do not concur with the makes a gesture that we interpret, when found in the Tomb of theory of d’Agostino and Cerchiai (1999, 61-72) that a comthe Diver, as a sign of hesitation or refusal, as I have argued in mon theme of eroticism unites the programs of the two tombs, regard to the west wall of the tomb. Butitis far from certain that or with that of Massa-Pairault (1992, 86), who sees the outer the language of Greek gestures was the same as that of Etruria. chamber of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing as a grove of “Recently by Rouveret 1992. In a forthcoming study I exam- Turan-Aphrodite and the inner chamber as an exaltation of ine the question of the visual panorama found in the Tomb of the sea as the fecund element of the same goddess.

could be done. On undertaking the commission to The dress of the youth in the center of scene, who, decorate the interior of the Tomb of the Diver, its in Napoli’s interpretation, is identified as the dead painters had no doubt heard about these Etruscan man himself, calls for brief comment. Or rather, it is practices and might have seen something of the sort not so much the dress as the lack of it that deserves at Capua. But in carrying out their specific assigncomment. Despite the common appearance of figment, they were very much on their own. ures clothed only in a stole draped around their shoul- THE SYMPOSIUM SCENE no one can reasonably assume that normal Athenian ders in scenes of the komos on Attic red-figure vases, In interpreting the paintings at Paestum, the scene of the diver on the ceiling is more challenging than the symposium of the tomb’s side walls. But it is necgentlemen paraded through the streets of the city in such a state, even in the wee hours of the morning. Such marginal nudity could also be formal undress. essary to understand the symposium scene on the It appears as such in the Calf Bearer, one of the most walls of the tomb before confronting the problem of well-known archaic sculptures from the Athenian interpreting the diver. acropolis, and, in western Greece, in the “draped The symposium painted on the walls of the tomb kouros” in Syracuse. Formal undress in sculpture is was not a magical formula assuring that the pleasures evidently a means of elevating the subject from the and honor of the funeral celebration continued for here and now to a higher state, moving toward the eternity. This was the Etruscan convention that defull state of nudity, which was reserved for divinities veloped at Tarquinia. It was not the episodic celebraand the heroized dead, although divinities, notably tion of the dead man’s life that we find in Asia Apollo, are also shown wearing only a stole around Minor.* There is little likelihood that it was meant the shoulders. So how is it that komoi of men in this to substitute for the display of grave goods that was a state of almost nudity appear so commonly on Attic mark of the end of the Iron Age and orientalizing red-figure vases of the time of the Tomb of the Divtimes in central Italy and which was alive as late as er? Frequently given to song, they also display signs the end of the fifth century when a “princely” burial of intoxication. They have been carried to a higher was made at Roscigno in the immediate hinterland state of consciousness by the wine of Dionysos. One of Paestum.* In Greece, the symposium was not a may not be far from wrong, therefore, to see their funeral theme.* And this factor, too, adds difficulty dress as a visual language showing their inspired state. to the reading of the paintings of the tomb. Napoli based his interpretation of the symposium The eroticism, kottabos, and music and singing of the symposium scene are elements typically found scene on the group of figures represented on the in similar representations in Attic vase painting, west wall: a man dressed in a himation and bearing which were early recognized as prototypes of the a staff and who is preceded by a youth and a flute Paestan paintings.’ However, since no attempt has girl. He made it clear that the flute girl and her combeen made to search out close prototypes for each panions could be seen either as late comers to the symposiast, it may be useful to do so here. party, like Alcibiades in the Symposium of Plato, or as a group departing from the same gathering, as hap- North Wall pens in the same dialogue. In his opinion, it was the 1. Single symposiast at left (cf. figs. 11a, 11b).* latter alternative that rang true.“ 2. Middle group (cf. figs. 12a, fig. 12b).* *! Mellink et al. 1998. * Holloway and Nabers 1982; Greco 1996. 5 Murray 1981, 1988. thus giving each couch two occupants. ® For the Calf Bearer, see Hirmer and Lullies 1957, pls. 24, “ “Ed in questo uscire dopo il banchetto (la vita terrena?) 25; for draped kouros, see Holloway 1975, figs. 182-84. ‘Parisi Badoni (1968), seeing strong ties as well to Campanian dovrebbe trovare la sua spiegazione la lastra ovest ed il suo black-figure pottery. But Ermini (1994) makes the point of direct collegamento con le altre, poiché colui che esce, preceduto dal dependence on models in Attic vase painting. Napoli (1970, flautista, è proprio colui che va verso l’al di là” (Napoli 1970, 126 ff.) was also inclined to credit the Paestan painters with 147). Opinion continuesdivided on this question. Roesler (1983) greater independence from their models than allowed them by follows Napoli, but, e.g., Warland (1999) upholds the oppos- Parisi Badoni. ingview. Rouveret (1976) considers the possibility that the three * For the hand of the same figure type holding a kylix, see figures are all entertainers. Cynthia Damon suggested to me, ARV?, 455, no. 9; CVA Great Britain 17, pl. 13b. Among the new on the occasion ofa lecture at Amherst College, 23 March 2005, additions to the repertoire ofAttic red-figure vases, see also the the possibility that the youth and older man of the west wall tondo of the kylix published by Tzachou-Alexandri 2002. could be intended as symposiasts coming to take two vacant places, one on the end couch ofboth the north and south walls, *® See also ARV? (24, no. 9) for figures at center and left.

er > 377 > I È . ee Fig. lla. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. North wall, figure at Fig. 11b. Attic red-figure cup (Felbermeyer; left. neg. 34.2287). © DAI Rome, Fig. 12b. Attic red-figure hydria signed by Phintias, detail, British Museum, London (CVA Great Britain 7, pl. 72:3). 3. Right-hand group (cf. figs. 13a, 13b).* In figure 2. Middle group (cf. figs. 15a, 15b).” 13b the youthful member of the pair has the 3. Right-hand group (cf. figs. 16a, 16b).°* Pindar exact pose of his counterpart in the Tomb of alludes to the singer’s head thrown back in the Diver, although he does not hold a lyre. For song.” For the symposiast with the double flute, the pose with lyre (in the original composition see figure 16c. of the figure of the tomb in preliminary sketch with left arm extended), see figure 13c.°° The space between the youth and his companion in this figure is greater than that in the tomb. The older figure does not caress the head of the youth and holds a kylix in his right hand. Figure 13d shows the motive of caressing the head.‘ Pillows and Coverlets 1. Pillow with central seam and stripes to either side of it.” 2. Coverlets with sinuous lines crossing it as north wall right-hand group.” The paintings of the tomb, however, cannot be thought of in the same way as the scenes painted on South Wall 1. Single symposiast at left (cf. figs. 14a, 14b).* For the lyre, see figure 14c. drinking cups and kraters. In the case of the tomb, although consigned to darkness, the scene of the symposium surrounded the dead man in a meaningful #See also ARV?, 1279, no. 51; CVA USA 18, pl. 30:1. 53 See also ARV?, 1279, no. 51. 50 See also ARV?, 24, no. 9. 54See also ARV’, 437, no. 128; Buitron-Oliver 1995, no. 173. See ARV? (467, no. 118), signed by Hieron as potter, for 55 fr. D2.13 Snell and Maehler. an hetaira caressing the head of her companion on a kline; see 56 cf, ARV’, 88, no. 4; CVA Germany 21, Tav. 51:3, 56:1. also Kunisch 1997, no. 377. 57 cf. Richter and Hall 1936, pl. 49, no. 58. “See also ARV? (275, no. 64), holding egg but without lyre.

Ran «ás ER na ARAM aA A à ARE Ru 0. Tan > et. Fig. 13a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. North wall, group at right. Fig. 13b. Attic red-figure krater, Los Angeles County Museum no. 48.25 (© 2005 Museum Associates/LACMA). way. Painted on a drinking cup, the symposium was an appropriate touch on a vessel made with the drinking party in mind but a touch of decoration that could either catch the eye or be ignored. The image was in no way linked to the fate of the individual who held the cup on which it was painted. But one cannot escape the fact that the tomb painting we are examining must have spoken to the dead or worked in some way to ease his lot after death.”® The symposium scene thus moved from the painted vases that provided the elements of composition for these tomb Fig. 13d. Detail of Attic red-figure cup signed by Hieron (Richter and Hall 1936, pl. 54; courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). paintings to the tomb itself, acquiring new significance in the process. As Rouveret has observed: Three elements of the Paestan paintings can be interpreted as having symbolic associations: the egg held Whatever may have been the motive which led to by the first symposiast of the south wall, the the execution of these frescoes, it is interesting to number of symposiasts, and their musical instruments. observe that the Greek painter treated the scenes of the banquet according to the schema which described The egg is unquestionably at home in a funeral it in Greece . . . at the same time doubtlessly enfoldsetting.” But its appearance here, like its well-known ing their anecdotal nature with an eschatological or appearance in the Tomb of the Lionesses at Tarfunerary significance.” quinia, where two of the banqueters on the side walls 8 A point made already by Cagiano de Azevedo 1972. en Grèce . . . tout en les détournant, sans doute, de leur valeur 99 “Quel que soit le motif qui ait conduit al’exécution de ces anecdotique pour leur donner un sens eschatologique ou fresques, il est intéressant de remarque que le peintre grec a traité la scène du banquet selon les schémas qui la définissaient funéraire” (Rouveret 1974, 21). % Nilsson 1951. For the appearance of eggs on south Italian

379 Chine Ge >e Fig. 14a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, figure at Fig. 14b. Detail of Attic red-figure amphora, Museo Archeoleft. logico Nazionale di Firenze, Florence (CVA Italy 13, pl. 42:3). hold eggs, is hardly emphasized and does not automatically signal a specific Orphic cult association.®! Just what Orphism meant at Paestum, or in any other location of Magna Graecia in the early fifth century, is difficult to say. The Orphic banquet of the dead is only known from the caricature of it made by Plato.** The promise was of an eternal drinking bout (tov amavta xpóvov yon O1éyeiv peOvovtas). It is clear, moreover, that there is no relation between the decoration of the tomb and the possibly Orphic formulas of the gold lamellae from Magna Graecia inscribed with directions for the dead to meet the challenges confronting them on their journey to the underworld.‘ A Pythagorean interpretation of the tomb paintings rests on the 10 reclining symposiasts. The number 10, of course, is the Pythagorean perfect number.‘ The Fig. 14c. Attic red-figure rhyton, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Rome (Felbermeyer; © DAI Rome, neg. 59. 1679). number seven also recurs in various elements of the tomb’s decoration, but this number has no special Pythagorean significance (every number had some courses of masonry. There are 14 figures in the paintconnotation attached to it), and its various manifesings of the symposium, and each of the lyres has seven tations in the tomb show how deceptive numerolstrings. The real number intervals represented by the ogy can be. Each of the trees flanking the diver in tuning of the lyre were, of course, a fundamental demthe painting of the ceiling has seven branches. Likeonstration of Pythagorean number theory, but this wise, the tower of the diver painting is built with seven does not mean that the number of strings on the invases and their funeral connotations, see Lohman 1979, 88. Collected by Zuntz (1971, 277-393), who believes that they Carter (1998, 196) also comments on representations on Attic are Pythagorean, not Orphic, in origin. Orphicverses and Orphic white-ground lekythoi: “The white spheroid objects placed in superstition were also under general suspicion; as Zuntz (1975, great numbersas offerings on monuments, in baskets on a tomb 158) comments, Orphism was of “un livello basso e di bassa base, or on a phiale, may also be eggs.” There is also at reputazione.” Our view thus differs sharply from the decidedly Metapontum a tomb in which a marble egg was found contain- Orphic centered interpretation of Otto 1990, 2003. ing an image ofAphrodite or Phanes, and which thus does correspond to Orphic cosmogony (see Guzzo 1991). % Napoli 1970, 141. Cf. the caution of Rouveret 1974, 20; for the Tomb of the Lionesses, see Steingraber 1986, no. 77. °° PI., Republic 2, 363c. Any search for echoes of Orphic partying in the comic poets depends on reference to this passage. See references in Der Neue Pauly, s.v. “Pythagorean numerology.” Any Orphic reference is uncertain. Ascholion on Virgil (Aen. 6.119 [Savage 1925]) states that Orpheus’ lyre had seven strings. But for Pseudo-Eratosthenes (24), his was a nine-string lyre.

Fig. 15a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, middle Fig. 15b. Attic red-figure cup, Musée d’art et d’archéologie, group. Laon (CVA France 20, pl. 50:2) strument was significant. ® Furthermore, lamblichus occurs nowhere else among the figures in the paintreports that the Pythagoreans could not abide the ings. Luca Cerchiai and Warland have suggested, flute because they thought it was so violent, yet there however, that there is a special relationship between are two flutes in the symposium scene of the Tomb the diver and the kottabos player on the central couch of the Diver.” of the north wall of the tomb because the trajectory It is only too easy, however, to find deep philosoof the diver’s plunge touches the upraised hand and phy behind one egg and 10 symposiasts. For example, cup of this youth.” The wine projected from this cup Daisy Warland, the most recent commentator, has finds its target in the cup held by the symposiast at few doubts on the matter.” But, as Francoise-Hélene the far left of the wall, in a curve similar to that sug- Massa-Pairault has pointed out, even if significant, gested by the diver’s fall. It is hurled into air, just as the presence of 10 symposiasts in the tomb paintthe diver hurls himself into his dive. This interpretaings may represent little more than an instance of tion is valid, however, when the cover slab is raised numerology in popular culture.® Furthermore, any up to a vertical position so that the diver would aptheory of Orphic or Pythagorean belief permeating pear to be falling toward the central couch and its the decoration of the tomb must include the image symposiasts. Yet to be discussed is the erotic element of the decof the diver.” At the outset it should be made clear that the diver oration. The four couples sharing couches in the cannot be identified with any of the participants in symposium scenes (there are only two solitary symthe symposium. The slight growth of hair on his chin posiasts) are in each case an older man and a youth. % The most that can be said for the Pythagorean significance dans une perspective eschatologique qu'il serait tentant of the number seven is that, as Aristotle commented d’associer a ces doctrines si répandues, non seulement en (Meta. 1093a), the Pythagoreans held that things with the same Grande Grèce, mais aussi en Etruie. La sobriété des peintures number are related. Rouveret (1976, 119-21) discussed this et du mobilier funéraire irait dans le méme sense. Le banquet subject, and far from finding hints of Pythagoreanism, she collectif masculin était un rituel constitutif et de renforcement concluded: “Peut-€tre l’élément le plus important de ce sympodes liens d’une communauté. La représentation de l’au-delà sium est-ill’évocation d’un compagnonnage masculine au-delà comme une fête symposiaque éternelle est évoquée dans la de la mort.” This is not to deny that Pythagorean number theory littérature comme appartenant au domaine orphicoinfluenced sacred architecture at Paestum (see, most recently, pythagoricien (“banquet des purs” dans les “îles des biende Zwerte 2004). hereureux” localisées dans le Soleil et la Lune)” (Warland 1999, % Vita Pythag. 111. In general, we agree with Rouveret's (1976) 205). rejection of the Pythagorean hypothesis. And here skepticism 68 Massa-Pairault 1993, 389-92. cautions us to remember that, as Virgil tells the story, Aeneas 6 Rouveret 1976, 125. arrives on the shore of Libya with seven ships, and once ashore ” Cerchiai 1987; Warland 1996. D’Agostino and Cerchiai hunts seven stags to feed his crews (Aen. 1.170, 192). The pres- (1999, 65) advance the suggestion that the wine projected from ence ofa lyre in the tomb, indicated by the fragments ofa tortoise the kylix in the kottabos game may be intended as a synonym for shell, may, however, have some significance in identifying the the act of diving. For additional comments on possible relationdead man as musician and thus well educated (see Pontradolfo ships between the symposiasts and the figures of the short ends of the tomb, cf. Otto 1990, 268. $7“En effet, les thémes illustrés dans la sépulture s’inscrivent

Fig. 16a. Paestum, Tomb of the Diver. South wall, group at Fig. 16b. Attic red-figure cup, Museum Antiker Kleinkunst, right. Munich (Furtwängler and Reichold 1904-1932, pl. 105). Although none of the other couples approaches the SAI FA AEE, = PT. overt erotic display of the pair at the far right of the north wall, whose older member cradles the youth’s head with his hand while the youth modestly extends his arm, palm down, in a gesture indicating hesitation or refusal, there is a general atmosphere of erotic relationships.” THE DIVER Death and eroticism may also be intertwined in the image of the diver. Death and diving were associated Fig. 16c. Fragment of Attic red-figure krater, Museum of Art and Archaeology, University of Missouri-Columbia no. 98.14a (© MAA, University of Missouri-Columbia). in the Greek mind at an early date.” Katapontismos, the leap from the cliff into the waves below, was of course a fate meted out to criminals and scapegoats. age of dying in a state of ecstasy. Before weighing But it was also the act of lovers made mad by their this question, we must consider other elements of passion.” Although we know it as a tale embroidered the scene. in later centuries, Sappho’s leap from the Leucadian The diver has not made his leap from the tower rock was the most famous of these exploits. The conthat occupies the center of the scene with him. cept of love and the leap of desperation, however, Rather, he is passing the tower in his descent. He were current in archaic and classical times, as exhas leapt from above, from the cliff clearly indicated pressed by Anacreon: by the tree at the right side of the scene.” The tree seems to be growing out of the frame of the scene, dpGeic Snvv Gnd Asuvkádos nétpys éc Todiòv x6pa KoALPBH pEeObwv Epwtı. Burning and drunk with love I leap from the white rock into the grey wave.” but the frame has become, at this side of the picture, the face of a vertically rising cliff. This is an olive tree.” Another olive tree, similar to the one at the right of the diving scene, is shown growing froma cliff face at the right-hand side of another diving scene found Thus the question is whether the diver in the on the Attic black-figure amphora attributed to the Paestan tomb is simply an image of dying or an im- Priam Painter from Monte Abetone and now in the "The same gesture, discussed by Boegehold (1999, ch. 2), For the notion that the leap from the rocks was an element is made by the youth on the west wall of the tomb as a gesture of early Pythagorean speculation and belief, based largely on of separation. But here it is a simple “good-bye.” ” As we see from instances when the verb ö0o takes on this Carcopino’s interpretation of stucco reliefs of the early Roman imperial period, see Carcopino 1926; Rouveret 1976, 124-27. meaning in Homer (11.11, 163; Od. 12, 383, etc.) (see Georgoudi “fr. 21 Edmonds, FAC (fr. 376 Campbell). 1988; Ampolo 1993). For the sinister aspects of the sea, see ® For cliff diving, see De Vries 1978. Lindenlauf 2003. 7 Chazalon 1995.

Villa Giulia Museum (figs. 17a, 17b).” Although the frame of the painting.” The diving platform rewomen, particularly maenads, are found in other mains.* But the diver, descending from the cliff scenes where they are bathing in the open, this picabove, has no connection with it. Why, one may ask, ture of girls diving and swimming in the seclusion of was it kept when it could have been eliminated from a grotto framed by sharply rising cliffs on both sides the scene? of the scene is unique in Greek vase painting.” And In his review of Napoli’s work, Ranuccio Bianchi just as at Paestum, there is a tower in the center, from Bandinelli opened a line of interpretation regarding which one of the bathers is about to dive. Just as at the tower that has had a major influence in subse- Paestum, a second olive tree is found on the left of quent discussions. Bianchi Bandinelli identified the the picture. Just as at Paestum, the watery pool, inlet, body of water into which the diver is plunging as the or river is indicated in a painterly fashion, the water Stream of Ocean, emphasizing that in early Greek rising in the background to create, with the swimthought the ocean was imagined to be a great river. mer shown in it, an amazing effect of perspective.” To the potential objection that the Pillars of Herakles What distinguishes the diving scene at Paestum were two and there is only one pillar in the scene of from this vase painting of perhaps a half century bethe diver at Paestum, he answered, repeating an obfore is its tone. The Priam Painter produced a genre servation of Giovanni Becatti, that the concept of picture of the young girls’ outing and its pleasures. twin Pillars of Herakles was created only after the Their clothes have been carefully hung on the trees. opening of the Straits of Gibraltar became known. Two lekythoi with perfumed oil hang ready for use. In earlier belief there was only the stream of ocean From the cliff at the left of the picture issues a spring at the boundary of the world and no need to double of water, and one of the bathers is washing her hair the pillar.?* below it. The divers (one ready for the plunge, the other looking on) have climbed the tower. This first suggestion of the “gate theory” is open to an important criticism. The early fifth century B.C. In the Tomb of the Diver there is none of this levwas hardly that distant past when the Greeks may ity. The diver dives alone, isolated against the sky. have been unaware of the geographical boundaries There is present all the intensity of the moment of of the western Mediterranean. They may even have death. been aware of them in Mycenaean times and were One may thus entertain the idea that a prototype like the scene on the Monte Abetone amphora has certainly aware of them by the time Colaeus made his voyages to Tartessos.** been transformed into this painting of the diver’s The gate theory, however, has continued to attract lonely adventure. Although a frame has been placed attention, notably in the work of Bruno d’Agostino, around the painting, which has eliminated the cliffs, who bases his interpretation of the tower on the scene they were certainly represented in the prototype and of Odysseus and the Sirens shown on a Corinthian remain to give a foothold to the olive tree that clings aryballos now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston to the cliff face in the amphora (see fig. 17b), now (fig. 18).°* Beyond the Sirens’ rock there rises from 7 Paralipomena 146, no. 8 Ter. On this scene, see Moon 1983; lieved that it was the platform from which the diver had dived. further bibliography in Scheibler 1987, 112-14; Hurwitt 1991. Slater (1976, 1977) suggested that the “tower” was in facta tem- 18 For other bathing scenes, particularly of maenads, see porary structure made out of ladders, an opinion countered by Fracchia Miller 1979; Pfisterer-Haxes 2003, 36—40. ” As noted in Moon 1983. Holloway 1977. 82“ questo punto un collega più erudito di me (G. Becatti) #The covering slab of the tomb is damaged on its lower right concordando con la mia supposizione, mi ha fatto notare che side, just below this olive tree. It has been assumed that the a un certo momento l'Oceano mitico fu razionalisticamente curvature of the border of the diving scene was necessitated by collocato al di là del Mediterraneo, al di là delle ‘colonne d’Erthe fracture of this corner of the cover, which leftan open seam cole’ e che queste, che poi vennero dette ‘colonne,’ erano dette between it and the main part of the slab. This situation has en- ‘pylai,’ porte o ‘stelai,’ pilastri (cf. Hdt. 4, 15, 2; PL, Criti. 3). gendered speculation that the corner was deliberately broken Aggiungo che queste ‘colonne’ si configurarono duplici perché to provide an “entrance” and “exit” from the tomb (Napoli si era conosciuta la realtà geografica delle terre a nord e a sud 1970, 150), evidence supporting this idea coming from the fact dello stretto di Gibilterra. Ma prima di questa realtà, il ‘termine that the curvature of the painted frame remains inside the line del mondo’ non poteva possedere un segnacolo duplice; perciò of breakage. However, since the curve of the painted frame of non vale l’obiezione che le ‘stelai’ avrebbero dovuto essere the diving scene was drawn to mimic the cliffface of the original due; non potevano essere due, perché nella credenza più antica, prototype, it is less certain that its form was determined by the il fiume Oceano era alla fine del mondo e non vi poteva essere fracture of the corner below it, intentional or not. The cover nella al di là” (Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, 142). slab also cracked crossways in its center after it was put in place due to the weight of earth above it. 8! Napoli (1970, 152-55) gave four hypothetical ground plans of the tower, both as a solid and as an open structure. He be- 8 Hdt. 1.127. #d’Agostino 1982; see also d’Agostino and Cerchiai 1999,

nren cid > .. e r .. e 7 e« Poteet ttee = = re Fig. 17a. Attic black-figure amphora from Monte Abetone, Fig. 17b. Detail of Attic black-figure amphora from Monte Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia, Rome (courtesy Soprin- Abetone (courtesy Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici tendenza peri Beni Archeologici dell' Etruria Meridionale). dell’ Etruria Meridionale). the sea a tower not unlike the tower of the Tomb of a tower for the Achaeans (’Apyetotor . . . the Diver. D’Agostino suggests that this image rep- [Od. 11.555-56]). Alcaeus compares the defenders m0pyoc resents the Gates of Hades, the sign of the fate that of a city to a tower (GavOpes yap r6À10G MÜPYOG ápeawaits the victims of the Sirens’ song. So, too, the vor). Sophocles’ Oedipus is described as a tower tower in the Paestan painting is meant to represent for his country against death (davátowv È EG yopa the Gates of Hades. This suggestive line of reasonnmbpyos avéota [OT 1200-1]). And in Euripides we ing, however, is open to the same criticism that can find the image twice, in the Alcestis, where it is evoked be made of identifying the tower of the tomb paintfor a father’s protection for his son (Kai naîg pèv ing with the Pillars of Herakles; it is a single tower, aponv natép’ exel 16pyov péyav [ Ale. 311]) and in and in Greek painting when a gate is intended, it is the Medea of her wish for a protector (Hv pév tig niv shown in frontal view. Alessandro Ermini has made rmópyos aodadns davf, S6A@ péterpi tovde Kai this point with thorough documentation that, in our otyí bévov [ Med. 390-91]). opinion, settles the matter.” Let us return for a moment to the tower of the So, in the Tomb of the Diver, the tower, far from being a diving platform like that of the Priam Painter’s Boston aryballos, which d’Agostino is right in identiamphora and far from being intended to suggest the fying as a close parallel and undoubtedly a parallel Pillars of Herakles or the Gates of Hades, may stand with similar significance. This tower is hardly an upas an indication of hope and safety. This interpretaright stone (otrfAn), nor is it a way to represent a set tion of the image at Paestum is also applicable to the of gates (m0Aat). What then is it? It is a tower Corinthian aryballos in Boston. There, Odysseus (rüpyocg), and the tower has definite symbolic overapproaches the fatal danger of the Sirens’ perch, but tones in Greek thought. In the Odyssey, Ajax is called beyond it is a tower of safety, which gives a visual sig- © Ermini 1994. There is no reason to see the swelling form general found as early as the Francois Vase (Arias and Hirmer of the water in the Paestan painting as an indication ofan open stretch of ocean. This is a convention for representing water in 1960, fig. 42). fr, 41 Edmonds, FAC (fr. 112 Campbell).

nal of the happy outcome of his dangerous passage. is the very cosmic setting that is emphasized on the In the Priam Painter’s work, there are no such sym- London vase. If such an overtone was present in the bolic overtones. The olive trees of the scene are no mind of the artist, it was not emphasized.” more than trees by the side of the water where the In summary then, the individual buried in the girls hang their clothes. But, like the tower, the olive Tomb of the Diver was comforted by a vision of death trees make symbolic reference to peace and security.” as a rapid passage to safety. This vision was not de- Thus the diver, for all the peril of his dive, is surrived from teachings of a Pythagorean or Orphic rounded by signs of hope. His passage through the credo but was made by adapting two sets of images waters that await him will be brief because the tree to from genre art of the day. The prototypes were in all the left of the scene marks the safety and restfulness probability vase paintings of the symposium and of of the nearby shore.* bathing and diving, the latter scene rare in painted The Etruscan diver of the Tomb of Hunting and pottery but documented by the amphora from Fishing is an element in an illusionistic landscape. Monte Abetone.”” The bathing scene was adapted Another diver (with swimmers) is depicted in comso that it could be read with diving as death, the tower pany with the sun god and his chariot on a red-figure as protection, the olive trees as peace, and the shore krater in the British Museum (the “Blacas Vase”) .* The beyond leading to the haven awaiting the diver when diver and swimmers are held to be stars descending his passage through water is complete. The sympointo the sea at dawn. Massa-Pirault has argued that sium scene surrounded the dead man with pleasure. the Paestan diver is also a metaphorical star plung- The composition of the figure groups of the ing into the spring of the ocean, which, she emphasymposiasts was also borrowed from vase painting. sizes, is a restricted body and so might be represented Is there a place for love and passion in this image? by the stream between the two trees of the Paestan It has been argued that there was, and that this astomb." But what is lacking in the Tomb of the Diver pect of the painting served to link the scene of the 87 See RE, s.v. “Olbaum.” # The vision of death thus projected by the image of the diver has a deep resonance that transcends time and culture. Many underworld across the river Styx is simply another manifestation of these deep-seated and recurrent human reactions to death. in their last moments of life have seen a vision of the Elysian 8 British Museum, cat. no. E 466; see also LIMC2, s.v. “Astra fields. “Those who are about to leave will often talk about seeno. 22”; LIMC 3, s.v. “Endymion no. 11”; Smith 1896, 284-85; ing beautiful landscapes on the other side and then state this is Furtwängler and Reichhold 1904-1932, pl. 126. where they will be after they pass. In most cases, once one has 9° Massa-Pairault 1993, 389-92. Water, both spring water and had sucha vision, death is no longer something to fear” (Willsthe sea, is an agent of purification as well as a danger (Eur., IT Brandon 2000). This was certainly the vision before the eyes of 1191-94). Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson, Lieutenant General, CSA, as Napoli (1970, 161-65) introduces the London vase in his he lay dying of his wounds following the Battle of Chancellorsdevelopment of his Pythagorean interpretation of the paintville on 10 May 1863, and those gathered at his bedside heard ings; see also Somville 1979. him say his last words: “Let us cross over the river and rest under 2 For Attic vases at Paestum, see Rouillard and Verbanckthe shade of the trees.” The ancient notion of a passage to the Piérard (2003) and the contributions of Cipriani Cabrera and

ceiling thematically with the clearly erotic content of and Etruscan tradition was one of both eating and the symposium scenes on the walls below it.” This drinking and so not precisely comparable with the may well be the case. However, the paintings of the institution of the Greek symposium. Viewed without ceiling and walls of the Tomb of the Diver may bereference to Etruscan tomb painting and Italic tomb long together not because they are part of a logical furniture, the Tomb of the Diver is, first of all, a typiprogram of funeral symbolism but because of an incal Greek cist tomb; second, a tomb decorated with dependent relation of the two themes to the dead imagery taken directly from contemporary Greek man of the tomb. While the image of death as a sources; and last, a tomb belonging to a Greek city, speedy passage through the waters was displayed even if located some 1,500 m from its walls. above him, surrounding him was a symposium that Nothing, however, in all that is known of Greek would never end and in which he participated to the funeral customs, would have predicted the existence full, sounding his lyre in the company of his fellow of this tomb. Ionian Greece had experimented with musicians. And so the symposium fulfills the promdecorated terracotta sarcophagi in the sixth century.” ise of the diver’s quick passage to safety, for safety is It may be that several Attic terracotta pinakes of the what awaited him beyond the farther shore. late seventh and sixth centuries with prothesis and THE MOTIVATION FOR THE DECORATION OF THE Tarentine single grave of the end of the sixth centhrenos scenes were used to decorate sarcophagi.”” A TOMB tury was painted with a decorative border at the top There remains unanswered the question of motiof its walls.!®° Finally, there are the terracotta sarvation: what led to the creation of this exceptional cophagi from Sicily, notably from Gela, which were tomb in the Greek city at the mouth of the Sele given molded architectural decoration on their inte- River? For Mario Torelli, the Tomb of the Diver was riors.'” These three categories of sarcophagi, or painted for an Etruscan resident at Poseidonia.” The pinakes possibly made to decorate sarcophagi, mark isolation of its small necropolis from the city and three independent experiments with such decoramost of the cemeteries surrounding it suggested to tion. The Tomb of the Diver is a fourth.'” him that this was the burial ground of a group of There were, however, two other partially decorated metics. The program of the Tomb of the Diver and tombs at Paestum that can be compared with the of Etruscan tombs, the Tomba delle Iscrizioni (Tomb Tomb of the Diver. In the same small necropolis of the Inscriptions) at Tarquinia in particular, is one where the Tomb of the Diver was found, the walls of and the same; on the ceiling, the diver is beginning a similar tomb had been plastered and a red dado his passage to the afterlife, below he is welcomed in painted on them. But no decoration was added." the symposium of the afterlife. The Tomb of the And in 1999, in the Arcioni necropolis just north of Diver, in effect, represents Etruscan tomb painting the city, at Paestum. In the same vein, Rouveret has pointed painted with a frame and corner palmettes similar a tomb was excavated with a cover slab to the enduring attachment of the Italic world to the to those of the Tomb of the Diver.!” paraphernalia of the symposium in the tomb while The fact that at Paestum other tombs with figured their Greek neighbors dispensed with any such disdecoration may have been planned but left incomplay.” It is important to note, however, that the Italic plete should increase one’s reluctance to accept the Rouillard therein. The parsimonious attitude of the Greeks genstructed) was not subdivided for agricultural purposes (thus erally toward grave goods means that the contents of tombs at not belonging to the citizenry) it was the property of metics. Paestum are probably not an accurate guide to the repertoire The argument was further developed by Massa-Pairault 1993. ofAttic vases imported into the city. The so-called Brygos Painter On the cemetery, see also Cipriani 1989; Pontrandolfo 1995. tomb from Etruscan Capua gives us a better idea of what was ”Rouveret 1988b, 279-82 (drawing in Pontrandolfo 1988). available in the area, on which see Williams 1992. 3 Holloway 1977. %I agree with Lamboley (1980), who emphasizes ancient beliefs in the life of the dead prolonged in the tomb, while at the same time we insist on the generalized symbolic overtones of the ceiling decoration. Cagiano de Azevedo (1972) and Rouveret (1976) believe that both the scene of diving and of the symposium were painted for the dead man as memories of times past. 5 Torelli 1997, 138. % As argued by Greco (1982), who holds that since this area (part of the limestone shelf on which the city itself was con- Cook 1981. 9 Fairbanks 1924, pl. 66, no. 27.146 (Early Attic), see also no. 10.194 (black-figure of the mid sixth century); Mommsen 1977; Frel 1983. 'Tine Bertocchi 1964, 113, no. 54; Napoli 1970, 89, fig. 29; Dell’Aglio and Lippolis 2003, 133, no. 1. 10 Bonanno 1998; for Gela, see Panvini and Giudice 2004, 149-50. 1% Napoli 1970, 65. 8 Napoli 1970, 65. 1% The discovery is mentioned in Cipriani et al. 2003, 142. Otherwise, it is unpublished.

Works Cited theory that the Tomb of the Diver was an otherwise unparalleled creation made for a nostalgic Etruscan. Nevertheless, the Tomb of the Diver is exceptional in its Greek context, although the remark of Friis Johansen to the effect that in archaic and early classical Greece, remarkable tombs often were made for youths and maidens who died prematurely may hold the key to a better understanding of the tomb.!° The fate of the young man who was buried in the Tomb of the Diver, if a youth he was, may well have evoked the desire on the part of his surviving family to give him an extraordinary tomb. What were their instructions to the painters? As I have emphasized, they did Ampolo, C. 1993. “Il Tuffo e l’Oltretomba: Una nota sulla Tomba del Tuffatore e Plut., Mor. 563E.” PP 48:104-8. Arias, P.E. 1972. Review of La Tomba del Tuffatore, by Mario Napoli. AnnPisa, 3rd ser., 2:916-18. Arias, P.E., and M. Hirmer. 1960. Mille Anni della Ceramica Greca. Florence: Sansoni. Bianchi Bandinelli, R. 1970. Review of La Tomba del Tuffatore, by Mario Napoli. DialArch 4:135-42. Boegehold, A.L. 1999. When a Gesture Was Expected. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bonanno, C. 1998. J sarcofagi fittili della Sicilia. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider. Buitron-Oliver, D. 1995. Douris: A Master-Painter of Athenot dictate the precise imagery of an Orphic cult or nian Red-Figure Vases. Kerameus 9. Mainz: Philipp von Pythagorean brotherhood, except to the extent that Zabern. the notions promoted by these groups had permeated the popular imagination of the day. Perhaps their instructions to the painters were no more than a generalized request for scenes of departure and cheer. Cagiano de Azevedo, M. 1972. “‘Nugae’ sulla “Tomba del Tuffatore’ di Poseidonia.” RA:267-70. Campbell, D.A., trans. 1982-1993. Greek Lyric. Vol. 2, Anacreon. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. The paintings of the Tomb of the Diver are testimony Camporeale, G. 1965. “Banalizzazioni etrusche di miti to how these artists, having to create imagery for the greci.” In Studi in onore di Luisa Banti, 11-23. Rome: tomb, fulfilled their commission. The painters of the tomb, as Napoli was at pains to stress, were hardly vase painters called upon to become mural artists.'” Theirs was an active mural painters’ workshop that showed its capabilities especially in the heads of the symposiasts of the north wall and in their reformulation of the diving scene from a genre motif into an arrestingly symbolic design. That they based their solutions for their unusual commission on vase paintings imported to southern Italy from Athens is hardly a mark against them. That the commission was executed with a cer- L’Erma di Bretschneider. . 1968. “Banalizzazione etrucsche di miti greci, 2.” StEtr 36:21-35. . 1969. “Banalizzazione etrusche di miti greci, 3.” StEtr 37:59-76. Carcopino, J. 1926. La Basilique pythagoricienne de la Porte Majeur. Paris: L’Artisan du livre. Carter, J.C. 1998. The Chora of Metapontum: The Necropoleis. Austin: University of Texas. Cerchiai, L. 1987. “Sulle tombe ‘Del Tuffatore’ e ‘Della Caccia e Pesca’: Proposta di lettura iconologica.” DialArch 5:113-34. Chazalon, L. 1995. “L’Arbre et le paysage dans la ceramique attique archaique.” AJON, n.s., 2:103-31. Cipriani, M. 1989. “Morire a Poseidonia nel V secolo. tain haste only reflects the way in which much fu- Qualche riflessione a proposito della necropoli merneral art is created. One might wish that some sample idionale.” DialArch 7:71-91. of their work in the city were preserved. Were they, like Damophilus and Gorgasus, who frescoed the Cipriani, M., C. Gratziu, A. Moscato, and G. Tocco Sciarelli. 2002. “The ‘Diver’s Tomb,’ Mineralogical and Petrographical Features.” In Color in Ancient Greece: walls of the Temple of Ceres at Rome, coroplasts as Proceedings of the Conference Held in Thessaloniki, 12-15 well as painters?!°” Almost everything about them April 2000, edited by M.A. Tiverios and D.S. must remain speculation. But the Tomb of the Diver Tsiaphake, 179-89. Thessaloniki: J. Paul Getty Museum and University of Thessaloniki. Cipriani, M., A. Pontradolfo, and A. Rouveret. 2003. will remain unchallenged as one of those experiments, without clear precedent and without close successors in its own time, that sparkle so brightly in history of art. “La Céramique grecque d’importation a Poseidonia: Un example de reception et d’usage.” In Le Vase grec et ses destines, edited by P. Rouillard and A. VerbanckPiérard, 139-55. Munich: Biering and Brinkmann. Cook, R.M. 1981. Clazomenian Sarcophagi. Kerameus 3. THE JOUKOWSKI INSTITUTE FOR ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE ANCIENT WORLD P.O. BOX 1837 Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. d’Agostino, B. 1982. “Le Sirene, il Tuffatore e le Porte dell’Ade.” AION 4:44-50. d’Agostino, B., and L. Cerchiai. 1999. Il mare, la morte, BROWN UNIVERSITY PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND 02912 l’amore. Rome: Donzelli. Dell’Aglio, A., and E. Lippolis. 2003. “La pittura funer- R_HOLLOWAY@BROWN.EDU aria a Taranto.” ArchCl 54:97-158. ' Rouveret 1976, 128 (citing Friis Johansen 1951, 108-9). 107 Plin. HN 35.154. ' Napoli 1970, 187-89.

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