Plato and Aristotle and their retinue: meaning in Raphael's School of Athens

Ptolemy and Strabo and Their Conversation with Appelles and Protogenes: Cosmography and Painting in Raphael's School of Athens Author(s): Christiane L. Joost-Gaugier Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 3 (Autumn, 1998), pp. 761-787 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2901745 . Accessed: 24/01/2011 11:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The University of Chicago Press and Renaissance Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Renaissance Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org

Ptolemyand Straboand TheirConversation withAppellesand Protogenes: Cosmography School of Athens* by CHRISTIANEL. JOOST-GAUGIER This paper studies the group of men on the lower right side of Raphaels School of Athens. While the portrayal of Euclid is undisputed, the figures who are attached to him have not yet beenfirmly identified. In studying thesefigures aspart of the intellectualfabric of thepainting as a whole, it becomesclear that each of thesefigures has a meaningful role that cannot be deduced by mereguessing. Thefigure with his back to us is quite clearlythe great mathematician-cosmographerPtolemy ofAlexandria. Not only becausehe wears a particular crown, but more importantly becausethe globe he holds is terrestrial- a symbol of his scientific contribution to the humanist curriculum- can we be certain of his presence. The man who faces him is most likely Strabo, the mostfamous geographerknown throughoutmedieval times and one who was also appreciatedby humanists, especiallyfor his considerationof the sphereand the celestial aspectsof the universein his Geography.Both Ptolemy and Strabo are wellplaced next to Euclid, for both are concernedwith geometry. The two men to the far right are, it is suggestedhere, two famous painters of Greekantiquity, Apelles (in the guise of Raphael) and Protogenes(in the guise of Timoteo Viti?), whosepresence reflectsthe interestsof artists in the early Cinquecento.All theseheroesare appropriatelyplaced on Aristotlesside of the painting. RWVRITING ONLY FORTY YEARSAFTER the completion of the socalledSchoolofAthens(fig. 1) for the privatelibraryof JuliusII, now known as the Stanzadella Segnatura,Giorgio Vasarioutlined the main featuresof this largefrescopaintingby Raphael.Though historians have been puzzledby Vasari'sconfusion of the Schoolof Athenswith its complementaryneighbor,the Disputa,1he is nonethelessquite specific about certaincharactersin the former.He accordsspecial attention to the groupof four men at the lowerright,on Aristotle'side of the paint*This paper has greatly benefitted from the constructive reading of Colin Eisler to whom I express my most sincere gratitude. 'Vasari's 1568 account of this fresco is virtually unchanged from his earlier (1550) description. Most confusing to his future readers would be the passages where he describes Pythagoras as Saint Matthew and refers to figures of the "evangelists." It is important to take into account, however, that, as Bellori pointed out, Vasari was working from a later engraving whose contents had been considerably elaborated. The earlier account of Vasari is contained in Vasari, 1550, 642; the later in Vasari, 1878, 4: 330-33. Cf. Bellori, 15. Renaissance Quarterly 51 (1998): 761-87

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FIGURE2. Raphael, The Schoolof Athens,detail showing Euclid, Ptolemy, Strabo, Apelles (?), and Protogenes (?) (Photo: Musei vaticani, archivio fotografico) ing (fig. 2). They are closely associated with the mathematician who bends forward, now generally regarded as Euclid in the guise, Vasari noted, of Bramante. Vasari only names two of the group of four near Euclid, identifying the man with his back turned and a globe in his hand as Zoroaster and the young man to his right who wears a black cap as a self-portrait of Raphael. He is silent regarding the identities of the bearded older man who, also holding a globe, faces the man seen from the back and the beholder, as he is about the man standing next to Raphael. The very careful attention accorded by Giovanni Pietro Bellori to this fresco in 1695 essentially repeats Vasari'sinterpretation for this group of four figures: the man with his back to us is Zoroaster and

standing to his right is Raphael. The other two figures remain unidentified.2 In modern times the man with his back to us has come to be regarded as Ptolemy. Since then, and rather incredibly, the name of Zoroaster was simply transferred by most historians to the older man with the grey beard seen full face (though some believe him to represent BaldassareCastiglione).3 No reason has ever been offered to explain why Zoroaster, not an Athenian, a Greek, or a philosopher, would be a required presence in a scene that takes place under the supervision of a statue of Athena and one dedicated to the great philosophers of Greek antiquity. Nor has an explanation ever been offered respecting why astrology and magic, those much-discussed Renaissance concerns which were distinguished from astronomy and the natural sciences by scholars, would be important to this scene while they play no other visible role in this elegant chamber exemplary of the major intellectual disciplines. Dante, obviously very important for this chamber as he is accorded the distinct honor of being the only hero represented twice, never mentions Zoroaster. The fact that humanist references to Zoroaster stress his ties with Platonists would, further, suggest his association with Plato's rather than Aristotle's side of the painting; so also do humanist writings fail to explain Zoroaster's close proximity to Euclid.4 Zoroaster is not particularly connected with Neopythagoreanism, which is important for the 2Bellori,18-19. 3 This transferred identity seems to have first occurredin the late nineteenth century.See Springer,246; Croweand Cavalcaselle,2: 64; Passavant,98. Among latertwentieth-centurywriterswho haveacceptedthis proposalsee Camesasca,39-41; Dussler,83; Becherucci,101-03; Jones and Penny,77; Hersey,135; and most recentlyBeck, 86. In contrast,the Ettlingers,though they aresomewhatvagueon the subject,appearto support the Vasariannotion that the man seenfromthe backis Zoroasterbecausethey identify the man facing the beholder as Ptolemy (Ettlinger, 90, 93). For the idea that Zoroastermight be representedby Castiglionesee Hersey,135. 4 Regardinghumanist referencesto the relationshipbetween Zoroasterand Platonism see Pico dellaMirandola,1557, 320, 327, and 330 (Oratiode hominisdignitate). Pico'simplicationthat Platocopied statementsof Zoroasterand that Platonistshave the greatestrespectfor Zoroasteris probablydue in largepartto the influenceof the Oracoli Caldaicibasic to the doctrinesof Gemisto Pletho'scommentaryon them, in which he attributedthese writingsto Zoroaster.The OracoliCaldaiciwere transmittedto Florentine Platoniststhroughtheir translationby Ficino. For this see Kieszkowski,especially 34-36 and 155-56. That Pico had the OracoliCaldaicin mind is clearfrom his Conclusiones(1973, 77-78). On the historyof Zoroastrianism,its texts, and associatedlegends, see Bidez and Cumont; Herzfeld;and Zaehner.On the RenaissanceNeoplatonistview that Zoroaster,throughthe OracoliCaldaici,precededPlato,who was in generalagreement with him, see Kristeller,64 and 98.

Stanza della Segnatura.5Last but not least, Julius had no known interest in Zoroastrianism, and no such works on the subject in his library.6 No one has ever explained why the man with the beard carries a globe, or what the two globes might mean for this part of the painting. Nor have the two men with globes, who face each other and thus must be considered to form a contrast within a unity, been linked with each other or with their two onlooking neighbors. Modern scholarship has failed to suggest why these auxiliary participants should be painters and why contemporary Italians such as Raphael and "Perugino" or Raphael and "Sodoma" would have been considered appropriate choices in a display of the great Greek philosophers.7 Indeed, the latest writer on the subject of the School ofAthens considers the identification of the man with the beard as Zoroaster among the "indisputable"charactersof the fresco. He is as silent about the question of the proximity of Renaissance painters to "Zoroaster" and Ptolemy as he is about the relation of the entire group to Euclid.8 It will be the aim of this paper to reconsider the two men in the lower foreground who hold globes in order to suggest their role in the fresco: through this their identities will emerge. The possible role of their companions to the far right, and thus their identities, may then be reconsidered. 5The significanceof Neopythagoreanism for the StanzadellaSegnaturais discussed in Joost-Gaugier,1993; andJoost-Gaugier,1996. 6A survivinginventoryof JuliusII'slibrarylists220 volumes.Though it is of uncertain date, it may be associatedwith the death of Juliusand, therefore,may have been compiledin 1513. See BAVCod. Lat.3966, fols. 111-17. 7 The man accompanyingthe presumedRaphaelin the lower right cornerof the School ofAthens'is not mentioned by Vasari or Bellori. Two late-nineteenth-century scholarsproposedthat the identityof this presumedsecondpainteris Sodoma (Springer, 1:246;and Lermolieff[Morelli],192), an ideathathas had considerablefollowingin the twentieth century (see, e.g., Camesasca, 39-41; Dussler, 83; Becherucci, 102-03; proEttlinger,90 and 93; Hersey,135; and Beck, 86). Anotherlate-nineteenth-century posalwas that of Passavantwho thoughtthe figurerepresentedPerugino(Passavant,98), followed by Crowe and Cavalcaselle (Crowe and Cavalcaselle, 65). While it is conceivable that Raphaelmight havewishedto representhis teacher,Perugino,the portraitdoes not appearto representhe Peruginowho is well known from two self-portraits,one in the Cambio (with inscription)and the otherin the frescoof ChristGivingtheKeysto St. Peter(SistineChapel),as well as fromVasari'sportrait.It would seemeven less likelythat Raphael should wish to memorialize a painter (Sodoma) who had essentially been replaced on the job by himself; nor does the portrait even resemble Vasari's portrait of Sodoma.Thus neitherof these theoriesappearto work in the caseof the man accompanying Raphael. Bell, 639-46.

Because we now know that the Stanza della Segnatura was founded as the private library of Julius II, we are in a better position to understand its pictorial program.9Surely not incidental to the sudden emergence of a wholly new type and scale of art on the part of its young painter, Raphael, is the fact that the appointment of its chief librarian, the already eminent humanist Tommaso Inghirami, coincided with the inauguration of its frescoed program.°1As over forty books are pictorially represented in this chamber, the strong attachment of the School ofAthens to the library of Julius is clear. Though Julius did not read Greek, the contents of his library, presumably assembled in large part by his librarian, included many Greek works in Latin translation. Keeping this in mind as we reconsider this painting, we see not an ad hoc distribution of characterswhose identities can be discovered by ad hoc designations (as has tended to be the case ever since Vasari'stime), but rather a close-knit interrelationship of authors and issues that were dear to early Cinquecento Roman humanism at the papal court. In this sense, the waves of movement must be viewed as waves of related intellectual, as well as physical and geometrical, movement. Into this picture, all of whose known characters are Greek, are fitted at the lower right, on Aristotle's side of the painting and in closest proximity to Euclid who demonstrates the faculty of geometry, the four characters who are the subject of this study. 9The hypothesisthat the StanzadellaSegnatura,as it latercame to be called,was originallydesignedas the privatelibraryof JuliusII was presentedin 1883 by Springer, who referredto the subjectdivisionsof the wallsand ceilingas suggestingthe intellectual faculties,or subjectmatters,known in the decorationof early-Renaissance libraries,such as that of Federigoda Montefeltroat Urbino (Springer,199-201). In 1893 FranzWickhoff added documentation to the iconographicalargument (Wickhoff, 49-64). The proposition was enlargedby Julius von Schlosserand Leon Dorez who, in the same decade,discussedit in light of late-medievaldecorativetraditions(Schlosser;Dorez),and reaffirmedin 1937 by HeinrichWeisacker(see Weisacker).In recentyearsJohn Shearman has convincinglyrearguedthis matteron the basisof function and decoration(see Shearman). 10Aletter from Scipione Carteromachusin Rome to Aldus Manutius in Venice statesthat in 1505 Inghiramihad been made "preposito" of the VaticanLibrary.See the dated document in Nolhac, 1887, 288; and Nolhac, 1888, 68, n. 2. RegardingInof the Libraryin 1510 see the documentpublished ghirami'sappointmentas "praesidio" Assemanus (Assemanus,

There can be no doubt that the figure seen from the back is indeed the celebrated Greek mathematician-cosmographer Ptolemy of Alexandria."1Good reason to regard this character as a secure member of the School ofAthens lies in the fact that he wears a crown, an indication of the confusion in Renaissance times of this renowned polymath - sometimes called "King" Ptolemy - with the dynasty of Macedonian kings of the same name who ruled Egypt from 323 to 30 B.C (Figs. 3, 4).12 The particular crown that Ptolemy wears, however, is unique in Renaissance painting, suggesting that Raphael had already acquired at this time strong archaeological interests.13By holding a globe, Ptolemy is clearly identified with geography. The globe he holds is terrestrial,not celestial. " There is no questionthat Ptolemywas Greek.In EgyptianAlexandriaGreekmen of sciencewerewelcomedafterGreecelost her independenceunderAlexanderand was subsequentlycrushedby Rome. The greatlibrarythere,which was liberallyendowedby the Ptolemaic kings, surpassedany other scientific libraryin the world. Many major Greekgeographers- includingPtolemy'sgreatpredecessorEratosthenes- areknown to have workedthere,as well as celebratedmathematiciansand geometers- for example, Euclid.On this subjectsee the commentsof Orr,87-89. 12 See, e.g., the famousencyclopediacomposedby RaffaeleMaffei,a memberof the curia of Julius II and fellow humanistwith his friend and countryman,TommasoInUrbana.In this volume,publishedin Romein 1506 and dedghirami,the Commentaria icatedto Julius,Raffaeleplacesa greatdeal of importanceon Ptolemy,who he discusses in severalplaces as "PtolemeosReges"(Maffei, CCLX[r] esp; also CCCCXCIIII[r], CCCCXCV[r],and DXXXIIII[r]).Foraccountsof the livesand accomplishmentsof the Ptolemaickings the best antiquesourceis DiodorusSiculus,LibraryofHistory,passim. 13The of Ptolemypaintedby Justusof Ghentfor the Studioloof Federigo "portrait" da Montefeltroin Urbino (fig. 3) shows Ptolemywearinga turban-likeheaddresswhich might have been devisedto suggestan exotic Egyptiancrown.Earlyprintededitions of Ptolemy'sGeography (whichwill be discussedin the text below) occasionallyshow idealized portraitsof Ptolemy.See, e.g., a 1490 illuminatedportraitof Ptolemywhich serves as the frontispieceto a Romanedition of the Cosmographia printedby Petrusde Turrein which Ptolemywearsa turban-like"crown"(fig. 4). In the woodcutimageof Ptolemyin PtolemaeusCosmografia, d'Angelo(trans.Nicolaus Germanused., publishedin Ulm in 1498), he wearsa tri-corneredhat, much like a crown.See also PtolemaeusGeographiae, printedby B. De Vitalibusin Rome in 1508, whereboth coversshow Ptolemywearinga turban-likehat-crown.Most actualPtolemaiccoins show the variousPtolemieswearing only the diademwhich was assumedby PtolemyI in 305 as a sign of his kingship(after Ptolemyassumedthe diadem, DiodorusSiculustells us in XX.53, he signed himself as king). PtolemyI'sdeliberateaffectationof a regalstyleafterhe donned the diademcorrespondedwith the fact that he was the firstof the Hellenistickingsto put his name, title, and diademedhead upon his coinage. Most all coins issued in the reignsof successive Ptolemiesshow the use of the diadem.A crownas such rarelyappearsin Ptolemaiccoin-

While this might be confusing to a twentieth-century viewer, it provides confirmation that the man seen from the back must be Ptolemy. Though the Almagest is now widely considered to be the greatest work of Ptolemy, its complicated mathematics and astronomical charts were less appealing to medieval scholars than his Geography(written ca. AD 150), a work only partially known during late medieval times. Nonetheless Ptolemy had the high regard of Boccaccio as well as a place in Dante's Limbo of Great Antique Spirits (where, as Raphael probably knew, Dante placed Ptolemy next to Euclid).14 It was during the very early Renaissance that Ptolemy's great geographical work was rediscovered and received its first complete Latin translation. The powerful effect it exerted made him known in Renaissance times primarily as a geographer rather than as an astronomer. While the Almagestdid not receive its first printing until 1515,15 by that year at least twelve editions of the Geographywere in print.16Indeed, the advanced humanistic curriculum in Renaissance schools included the study of Ptolemy as early as 1459.17 Humanist interest in this work was already under way in 1405 when Leonardo Bruni deposited a manuscript of the Geographywith Niccolb Niccoli, an event that introduced Florence to discussions of the "new"geographical sciences.1 This work, which describes a terrestrial globe, was the first in antiquity to propose the domination of earthly land masses (previously thought to be mere islands surrounded by a age, but when it does, it is of the spiked metallic type that Raphael has portrayed. Knownas the radiatecrownof Helios, it was worn by PtolemyIII in coins struckby his successorPtolemy IV as a symbol of the triumphsPtolemyIII had mastered(see, e.g., Hazzard,7, fig. 12). On Ptolemaicportraitcoins, statueheads,cameos,gems, and seals purportedto provideportraitsof the Ptolemaicdynastysee, generally,Sboronos;Kyrieleis;Neverov;Nicolaou and Morkholm;Smith; and Hazzard.On the founding of the dynastyby PtolemyI see Ellis.Fora documentmentioning(only in passing)the ceremonial use of gold crownsby earlyPtolemaicrulerssee Rice, especially25 and 183. Regarding the exploitsof PtolemyIII see (in additionto DiodorusSiculus)Beyer-Rotthoff. 14 For a discussionof Boccaccio'shigh esteem for Ptolemy,who he regardedas the supremeauthority,see Orr, 149. Dante'sreferenceto Ptolemy,whose work he probably knew at leastin part,is in Divina Comedia,InfernoIV.142. 15Ptolemy's Almagest,complete with its astronomicaltables, was first printed in Venice (Ptolemaeus. Almagestum,by P. Liechtenstein,in 1515). For a discussionof this work see Sander,2:1019. 6 Swerdlow,157; and Tooley,6. 17For example,in BattistaGuarini'scomprehensivesyllabusof 1459. On this see Grendler,203. 18On this see Sabbadini,1905, 1:52;Bolgar,489; and Romby,198-99.

FIGURE3. Justus of Ghent (?), Ptolemy,Paris,Louvre (Photo: Reunion des MuseesNationaux) Rome: Petrusde Turre, FIGURE4. Ptolemy,from PtolemaeusCosmographia, 1490, 1 (v) (Photo:New York,The PierpointMorganLibraryPML 17)

dominating sea) as well as the first to delineate the length and breadth of regions of the known world through the use of coordinates, or latitudes and longitudes.19 Book 7of Ptolemy's Geographyincludes instructions for constructing a globe, showing the inhabited world on a grid. Book 8 contains descriptions of twenty-six terrestrialmaps identifying Europe, Asia, and Africa. While it is not known that original papyrus rolls contained actual maps - since none survive - late medieval manuscripts of this work dating from ca. 1300 to well into the fifteenth century do contain painted maps. The first complete Latin translation of this work was undertaken by the Byzantine scholar Manuel Chrysoloras while he was apostolic secretary to Gregory XII, and completed by Iacopo Angeli da Scarperia (Jacopo d'Angelo), also an apostolic secretary, who translated its title as the Cosmographia.20This new translation was the one that began to circulate in about 1405. More than forty fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Cosmographiasurvive, suggesting its enormous popularity and the acceleration of its influence on humanists.21In his private library - the Stanza della Segnatura - Julius II owned a manuscript of Ptolemy's Cosmographiabound in red.22 The first printing of Ptolemy's great geographical work occurred in Vicenza in 1473, and the first with engraved maps was printed in Bolo19Forthe full text of Ptolemy'sGeography, see Mi'ilerand Fischer. 20For a discussionof rolls and fifteenth-centurymanuscriptsof this work papyrus see Swerdlow,157-65. On the first appearanceof Ptolemy'sgreatgeographicalwork in Florence,where it was broughtby Crisolorain 1397, and its first Latintranslationsee Rombai,1993, especially38-42. See also Rombai,1992; and Swerdlow,160. 21 It is now thought to have inspiredAlberti'sconcept of artificialperspectiveas it surely influenced the great Florentine cosmographer Paolo Toscanelli. (Regarding Alberti'sdependenceon Ptolemaicconceptssee Gadol,especially157-75. Fora rich discussion of Toscanelli'sinterest in ancient cosmographyand especiallyin Ptolemy see Rombai, 1993, especially52-59.) It also provideda majorsourcefor Alberti'smapmaking in his surveyof the city of Rome and the preparationof the DescriptiourbisRomaof 1432-1434. On this work, preparedduringAlberti'sfirststay in Rome, see Gadol, 7072; on its datingcf. Mancini, 112-14. A numberof manuscriptsof this work areknown to have been sold by Vespasianoda Bisticci (Swerdlow,164). A particularlyopulent example was owned by Federigo da Montefeltro, perhaps inspiring him to include Ptolemy in the famous men of his Studiolo; anotherwas presented,together with an inscribed sphere, to Rene d'Anjou, King of Naples, then living in France,by Jacopo Antonio Marcello of Venice, then Governorof Padua.Regardingthe copy owned by Federigosee Bolgar,489. On Ptolemyin Federigo'sStudiolosee Cheles,passim.On the gift to R6nesee Meiss,30-35. 22"Ptolomei Cosmographia,ex membranis,in rubro."(See the inventoryof Julius's books cited in n.6 supra.)

gna in 1477.23A magnificent Roman edition with twenty-seven superb engraved maps appeared in 1478, to be reprinted in editions of 1490, 1507, and 1508.24 Christopher Columbus owned a copy of the 1478 edition.25Replete with magnificent engraved maps, the Cosmographiaof Ptolemy achieved renewed popularity throughout the Cinquecento, as its many subsequent printed editions testify.26 The special relevance of this work to the Stanza della Segnatura has gone without notice. The 1508 Roman edition, published in the very year of the Stanza'splanning, when Raphael began work on the Disputa - whose iconography is surely related to the expansion of Christianity because of the discovery of new lands around the globe, including the New World27- added an engraved map not previously present and bearing a different title page. It refers to an account of the New World by Marcus Beneventanus, with the world map, titled "Nova Tabula," the first in any edition of Ptolemy's Cosmographia to introduce the New World.28A subsequent edition, published in 1513, increased the "modern" maps of the New World.29Taken together, these important events show that the Cosmographia of Ptolemy was significant for Roman humanists, who were aware of the importance of geography for the papal mission of converting the expanded New World.30 23Ptolemaeus AngelusVadiuseditor,HermannLichtensteinprinter, Cosmographia, was printedin Vicenzain 1475. See also PtolemaeusCosmografia, printedby Domenicus de Lapis,Bologna, 1477. Domenicus printed500 copies;each copy containedtwentysix maps,the firstmapsto be printedon copperplates.It also containsthe firstengraved atlasof the then-knownworld. On the formersee Sander,2:1019. On the latterand the historyof printingPtolemy'smapssee Lynam;also Sander,2:1020. On these firstprintings see Tooley,6. 24 See Ptolemaeus printedby ArnoldusBuckinck,Rome, 1478. This Cosmografia, edition, edited by Domitius Calderinusof Verona,contains twenty-sevendouble-page mapsaccompanyingthe text ofJacopod'Angelo(the sametext usedin the othereditions cited here). The 1490 edition, published in Rome by Petrusde Turre,was edited by Nicolaus Germanusand containsthe same twenty-sevenmaps. The 1507 edition, also publishedin Rome, printedby B. De Vitalibus,containsthirty-threeengraveddoubleIt too was printedin pagemaps.The 1508 edition usesthe title PtolemaeusGeographiae. Romeby B. De Vitalibus.On the lattersee especiallySander,2:1021-22; and Tooley,19. 25 The copy ownedby Columbusis preservedin the RealAcademiade la Historiadi Madrid.On this and the 1478 edition, see Gentile,219-21. 26Fora list of earlyprintededitionsof this worksee Tooley,6-7. 27 On the iconographyof the Disputasee Joost-Gaugier,1997. 28Tooley, 6. (See map 1 in Libraryof Congresscopy of this edition). 29 Ibid., 6; also Pelletier,17. 30Seethe variousessayson humanism, cartography,navigation, travels, and the

The imposition of mathematical rules on global representation changed the character of fifteenth-century cartography.31The emphasis on the geometrical positioning of land masses made possible by the reintroduction of Ptolemy's great work offered a new role for geometry that affected many aspects of the spiritual and intellectual worlds. Ptolemy's globe, with its land masses depicted in the SchoolofAthens, indicates this particular importance to Renaissance scholars, cosmographers, and navigators. It also parallels the celestial globe held by Ptolemy's counterpart, the man with the grey beard. As he and Ptolemy face one another, like Plato and Aristotle or Pythagorasand Euclid, they suggest an opposition of equals. Most likely the older bearded man is the celebrated Greek geographer Strabo,32well known in the Renaissance. Most of our knowledge of him must be gleaned from statements in his great surviving work, the Geography,the oldest complete treatise on geography that has survived New Worldin relationto the new possibilitiesgeneratedby the rediscoveryof Ptolemy's in Comitato organizzatoredelle manifestazionicelebrativedel V centeCosmographia nariodellascopertadelleAmeriche(passim). 31 On this subjectsee Cormack,especially376-79. My thanksare due Jim Housefield for bringingthis studyto my attention. 32 One might be temptedto wonderif this man with the starryorb is Cicero,whose SomniumScipioniswas well-appreciatedby Renaissancedevoteesof Pythagoreandoctrine aboutthe music of the spheres.This does not appearto be the case,since we know of no Romanphilosopherrepresentedin this fresco.This is underscoredby the fact that the beardedsage does not resembleknown portraitsof Cicero, who was admiredand studied by Romanhumanists.On this see especiallyD'Amico, 123-43; also the earlier but still importantworkof Sabbadini,1885. Nor is therereasonto believethe character on the SomniumScipionis, representsMacrobius,a RomanChristianwhose Commentary a work that sought to definecelestialharmony,was an importantcosmologicalwork for Renaissancehumanists. (Macrobiushad been a consistently important authority on astronomyand geographyin the Middle Ages. It was throughhis inspirationthat the mappamundiof the middle ages- to be replacedby the concept of geometricalmea- developed. surementmade possiblethroughthe rediscoveryof Ptolemy'sGeography On this see Stahl, especially232-42.) Indeed, since both authors'works were closely relatedto Plato'sTimaeusand to Pythagoreancosmologicaltheory,it would be difficult to explaintheirpresenceon Aristotle'side of the paintingand theirproximityto Euclid. A possible Greek candidate may also be ruled out: the greatestachievement of Eratostheneswas the measurementof the circumferenceof the terrestrialglobe;this is not suggestedby the starryglobe displayedhere.There is no medievalmanuscripttradition for his works,which wereknown in the Renaissanceonly throughthe citationsof other antiqueauthors,not to mentionthe factthat one of his most famousworks, the Platonicus,dealtwith Plato'sphilosophy.On Eratosthenesee Columba,passim.On the absence of a manuscriptraditionof his workssee Swerdlow,157. Nor does Renaissancetradition

from antiquity and a work of particular interest to early Cinquecento Roman humanists.33 Born in Pontus in about 64 B.C., Strabo's early education was Greek. In 44 B.C., he made the first of many visits to Rome, where he studied philosophy and geography. Like Ptolemy after him, Strabo also studied in Alexandria. There he had access to the great library during the time of Augustus. He discussed and offered excerpts from the works of his predecessors, including Eratosthenes, most of which perished with the destruction of this most important library of Greek antiquity. Though his monumental historical work known as the Historical Commentariesis now entirely lost, and though the time and place of his death remain uncertain, events to which he refers in the Geographysuggest it was written in whole or at least in great part at the end of his life, when he was in his eighties.34 Strabo'sprimary teachers were Peripatetics and thus he was "Aristotelized," though later he became a Stoic. Reflecting the fact that his instructors were Peripatetics, Strabo retains throughout the Geographyan admiration for their school. An expert on otherwise little-known facts of Aristotle's life, he reports that Aristotle was "the first" to collect books, and "the first" to build a library.According to him it was Aristotle who taught the kings of Egypt how to arrange a library.35This suggests that Aristotle's methods were applied in establishing the library at Alexandria. Strabo also provides a history of the disposition of the library of Aristotle.36He makes an Aristotelian connection in explaining that knowledge of geography is essential for rulers because it has a bearing on their ethoffera contrastingconnectionwith Ptolemy.The fact that the olderbeardedman stands togetherwith Ptolemy,facinghim, with one holding a terrestrialglobe and the other a celestialone, clearlysuggeststhat the two arecomplementaryGreekpersonalitieswho wereequallyappreciatedin Renaissancetimes. 33Forthe most recent completetext of this worksee HoraceL. Jones'seight-volume edition. The bibliographyon Strabois vast. Among the more useful secondarysources arePais;Dubois;Aujac;Diller, 1975; Biraschi;and Syme. pertainingto his Geography 34See Jones, 1: xxvi;also Easterlingand Knox, 817 (for referencesto datableevents in the Geography). 35Strabo,Geography, XIII.1.54. Respectingthe implicationthatAristotle'smethods wereemployedby the Peripateticsin establishingthe libraryat Alexandria,see Easterling and Knox, 30. 36 For Strabo's descriptionof the dispositionof the libraryof Aristotlesee Strabo, XIII.1.54.

ics.37It is clear throughout that as a Greek, Strabo was conscious of the practical applications of Aristotle's Ethics (coincidentally the book Aristotle holds in the fresco), while as one who was strongly impressed by Rome he was also an energetic advocate of Roman government.38Strabo, who was a man of wide reading with a deep interest in history, stressed the importance of philosophy and referred to himself as a philosopher. As a philosopher, Strabo frequently cited his own Stoic beliefs that centered on the interconnection of terrestrialphenomena and celestial phenomena which, united in the science of philosophy, composed geography.39 It is perhaps Strabo's description of the globe that most impressed early Cinquecento humanists. While the first philosophers who we can say with certainty believed the earth to be a globe were the Pythagoreans, we have no direct knowledge - nor did Renaissance scholars - that Pythagoras himself taught this. Indeed Pythagoras was more important for his supposed theory of celestial harmony and for number systems attributed to him than he was for astronomical knowledge.40 Aristotle, on the other hand, was well-appreciated since medieval times for his idea of a finite spherical universe. It was Strabo who first attempted to summarize ancient knowledge on this subject and outline a tentative procedure for measuring the earth. Basing his thoughts on the authority of 37RegardingStrabo'sopinion on the necessityof geographyfor princesand rulersto understandethicalvaluessee Strabo,1.1.22-23. 38 On Strabo'spolitical opinions and his advocacyof Roman governmentsee the discussionin Tozer,242-43. 39 RegardingStrabo'sreferencesto himself as a philosophersee, e.g., StraboI.1.1 and I.1.23. Fromthe opening of his text to its end he insiststhat the scienceof geography is the concernof the philosopher;becausegeographyinvestigatesthingsboth human and divine it constitutesphilosophy.He cites all his predecessorsas philosophers.That this was understoodby successivegenerationsis demonstratedby Plutarchwho, in severalreferencesto Strabo(and in workswell known to Renaissancehumanists)identifies him as "Strabothe philosopher"(e.g., VitaofLucullusXXVIII.7; VitaofSulla XXVI.3; and Vitaof CaesarLXIII.2-3).To RenaissancehumanistsStrabowas, as will be shown below, a philosopher.On the interconnectionof celestialand terrestrialphenomenain Strabosee, e.g., I.1.115. 40 Pythagorasleft no writings that have survived.Despite this fact, later writers, startingwith DiogenesLaertius,believedhe had left extensivewritingson a greatvariety of subjects that developed into the "cult"of literatureof early Neopythagoreanism. followersorganizedthemselvesinto secretsocietiesthat we know something Pythagoras's about throughthe writingsof Philolaus,Iamblichus,Aulus Gellius, Proclus,Porphyry, and others.On the significanceof Pythagorasfor celestialharmonyand numbersystems, much has been written. See, e.g., important works by Heninger (passim);and Allen (passim).

Eratosthenes, Strabo struggled to define a scientific system for measuring distance and surface, a discovery that would be realized by Ptolemy. Strabo's struggle centers on the necessity of viewing the earth as a sphere. No longer is this a theoretical idea, based on the ideal shape of Aristotle's celestial sphere; instead, it is based on observation.41Though his conception holds that the earth is stationary and the heavenly bodies revolve around the earth, he insists repeatedly, by offering celestial "proofs," that the earth is a sphere.42In several places Strabo urges the readerto observe a globe in order to understand the position of the earth surrounded by its celestial "universe."43A long passage in book 2 instructs the reader on how to construct a large globe.44 Again and again throughout his work, but especially in describing the spherical shape of the earth, Strabo connects the science of geography with astronomy and geometry, and himself with geometricians. "All those," he writes, "who undertake [geography] . . . devote special attention to astronomy and geometry .... Most of all... we need ... geometry and astronomy for a subject like geography; and the need of them is real indeed; .... Now as for matters which he regards as fundamental principles of his science, the geographer must rely upon the geometricians ... and in their turn the geometricians must rely upon the astronomers." Unlike Renaissance editions of Ptolemy's Geography,which were accompanied by superb terrestrialmaps, Renaissance editions of Strabo's work were without maps. No doubt Strabo'sdescription of the globe in celestial terms corresponded with the significance accorded the celestial world by Dante, a significance still very much alive in the early Cinquecento as suggested by Dante's dominating presence in the Stanza.46 Though Strabo's works were largely neglected in late antiquity probably because his work was eclipsed by the discoveries of Ptolemy interest in him was revived in the late fifth century by Stephanus of Byzantium, who cited him abundantly. During the ninth and tenth centuries Byzantine scholarship saw a revival of Strabo manuscripts. 41 He frequentlyusescircumnavigation to provehis point. See, e.g., Strabo,I.1.8. See Strabo'sdescriptionof the sphericalearthrevolvingalong with the heavens and surroundedby the fixedstarsin Strabo,1.1.20and 11.5.2. 43Strabo,I.1.21. 44 The instructionsarefor a globe ten feet in diameter.See Strabo,II.5.10. 45Strabo,I.1.13, I.1.20, and II.5.2 (Jonestranslation). 46 The Divina Comediais abundant in its references to "stelle" (e.g., Inferno XVI.83, PurgatorioXXVII.89-90, ParadisoXV.19, XXIV.147, and XXV.70) and other splendorsof the sky- sun, moon, spheres,etc.

Throughout the later middle ages Strabo's Geographywas known in Greek codices in the form of complete editions as well as in excerpts.47 During late-medieval times he was known as the geographer.48Byzantine editions of Strabo found their way to Italy as early as 1423, 1427, and the 1440s.49 The first translation of the entire Geographyinto Latin was accomplished in the 1450s when, on commission from Pope Nicholas V, Guarino da Verona worked periodically on this monumental project which he first dedicated to Nicholas. Gregorio Tifernate was also After employed by Nicholas V to translate books 9-17 of the Geography.50 Guarino completed his trahslation on 13 July 1458 (subsequent to the death of Nicholas), Guarino dedicated it anew to his second patron, Jacopo Antonio Marcello of Venice who, in turn, rededicated it in 1459 to Rene d'Anjou.51One of two copies of the autograph manuscript was intended for Rene and was given to him as a gift by Marcello. This manuscript (Bibliotheque Rochegude, Albi) is adorned with elegant dedicatory miniature paintings attributed to the young Giovanni Bellini.52In 1468 a complete manuscript of the Geography,which had formerly belonged to Pletho and was annotated by him and Toscanelli, was together with an excerpt donated by Cardinal Bessarion to San Marco at 47On Stephanusof Byzantiumand Strabo,see Diller, 1950. Regardingthe developing interestin Straboduring the middle ages see especiallyLasserre;and Diller, 1975, especially25-95. 48See Tozer, 249. 49 In 1423 a Strabomanuscriptis mentionedin a list of workssent to Florenceby Aurispa;in 1427 anothermanuscriptwas broughtbackby Filelfo.(On these see Bolgar, 489-90. The Aurispacodex is thoughtto be the one now in Moscow [Mos. Gr.204]. On this see Gentile, 186.) A Strabocodexcopied in Constantinoplewas owned in the 1440s by Ciriaco d'Ancona. For a descriptionof Ciriaco'smanuscript(Florence,Bib. Med. Laur.XXVIII.15)see Gentile, 183-85. 50Theoriginalundertakinghas not survived(see Diller,1975, 130). However,Gentile cites a copy of it as Bib.Med.Laur.XXX.8 (Gentile, 187). The combined text of Guarino(bks. 1-10) and Tifernate(bks.9-17) is the one most often usedin laterprinted editions. 51 On this see Sabbadini,1909, especially13-15; Diller, 1975, 128; and Meiss, 3035. Meissdescribesthe historyof the relationshipbetweenRene and Marcelloas well as the steadyflow of gifts from Paduato Aix. The text of Marcello'sdedication,which tells the storyof the translation,is quotedin Meiss,34. The autographmanuscriptis now in Oxford(Bod.Lib.Cod.CanonLat.301). 52 The other copy is in the LaurentianLibraryat Florence.For the history of the manuscriptas a diplomaticgift see Meiss,30-35; the attributionof the exceptionalminiaturesof the Albi manuscriptto Giovanni Bellini was made later (see Joost-Gaugier, XXX.7) see Gentile, 185-86. 1979). On the Laurentiancopy (Bib.Med.Laur.

Venice.53Among the numerous late-Quattrocento codices derived from Guarino and Tifernate'stexts, one is known to have been owned by Marsilio Ficino and another to have been in the Vatican Library of Sixtus IV54 A manuscript edition of the Geography,whose date is uncertain, was in the private library of Julius II: that is the Stanza della Segnatura.55Of additional interest in connection with Julius is the fact that among the texts found in the Badia at Bobbio, near Pavia (a famous "find" that occurred in the early 1490s) was a Greek manuscript fragment of Strabo's Geography.The person who brought it to Rome from Milan in 1494 was none other than Tommaso Inghirami, future librarian of Julius II and Raphael's apparent collaborator in the designing of the Stanza della Segnatura.56Strabo's Geographywas therefore well known not only to Julius but also seen as an archaeological prize recently obtained for Rome by his librarian. The first printing of Strabo's Geographyoccurred in Rome in 1469 when a complete Latin edition, relying on the combined translations of Guarino and Tifernate, was printed by Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Its extremely early date, estimated from its dedication to Paul II, shows that this work was one of the first monumental classics to be printed. Among the many Italian printed editions were those of 1472, 1480, 1494, 1502, and 1510 - the latter being the year in which the School ofAthens was undertaken by Raphael.57The entire Greek text was printed in an editio 53Venice,Marc.Gr.379 (coll.520). On this see Bolgar,490; Diller, 1975, 123 and 138; and especiallyGentile, 165-68. 54 On the Ficino codex see Gentile, Niccoli and Viti, 58; on that of Sixtus, see Diller, 1975, 132 andpassim.On other late-Quattrocentocodices see Bolgar,489-90. This suggests that manuscript activity continued even after Strabo'sGeographyhad receivedits firstprinting(whichoccurred,as will be noted below,in 1469). 55"StrabonisCosmographia,ex membranis,in nigro."For the inventoryof Julius's librarysee note 6 above. 56 The dismemberedGreekcodex (now BAV Grec. 2306) was recognizedby the nineteenth-centuryscholarand prefectof the VaticanLibrary,CardinalAngelo Mai. On this see Cozza;and Diller, 1975, 19-22. 57For a descriptionof the 1469 edition,which was almostthe firstworkby a Greek authorto be printed,and its dedication,see Gentile, 187-88; also Diller, 1975, 132-34. The othereditionsareas follows:Geographica, printedby Vindelinusde Spirain Venice, LibriXVI, printedby Vendelinusde Spirain Venice, also 1472; Geo1472; Geographia graphica, printed by Johannes Rubeus in Tarvisio, 1480; Geographica,printed by JohannesRubeusin Venice, 1494-95; Strabode situ orbis,printedby Bertholomeumde Zanis de Portesioin Venice, 1502; and Strabode situ orbis,printed by Philippo Pincio Mantuanoin Venice, 1510.

princepsin 1516.58Among the early printed editions of this work, several include a prefatory vita of Strabo. In these Renaissance vite Strabo is described as a philosopher, indicating that this tradition, begun by the author himself, persisted into Renaissance times.59 As collaborative philosophers, then, Strabo and Ptolemy take their places in the School of Athens suitably on the side of Aristotle, next to Euclid. Their spheres show the earth as a terrestrialglobe (appropriate to Ptolemy whose works were accompanied by superb land maps) and a celestial globe (for Strabo, whose writings open with celestial considerations, their Renaissance versions unaccompanied by land maps). Interest in both Strabo and Ptolemy was high among humanists in the early Cinquecento not only for their philosophical achievements but also because of the tremendous expansion of the world in the time of Julius.60 The Cape of Good Hope had been discovered in 1487, the West Indies (and America) in 1492, India in 1498, and Brazil in 1500. Balboa would discover the Pacific in 1513 and Magellan would complete his circumnavigation of the globe in 1521.61The geographical horizon had greatly expanded during the papacy of Julius and preachers were being sent to India, Africa, and the New World.62Thus these ancient scholars were appropriate to the Christian interests of Julius. In the Renaissance a tradition existed for consideration of these two philosophers as a pair. A fourteenth-century Greek codex contains the Geographyof Ptolemy together with that of Strabo.63In the mid-fifteenth century Flavio Biondo included information from both Ptolemy and 58Strabo printedbyAldusManutiusin Venice,1516,in Greek.On this Geografia, of editioprinceps see Diller,1975, 167.ThoughAldusManutiushaddiedin February hischiefGreekeditor,continuedtheprintingwhichwasproba1515,MarcusMusurus, blyinitiatedbeforehis tripto Romein 1516.The workis largelytakenfroma Greek marks. whichbearstheoriginalprinter's codexof Strabonowin Paris(Cod.Grec.1395), On thisseeDiller,1975,160-61.SeealsoFirmin-Didot, 370 and409. Thiswasin turn followedbyelegantfolioeditionsprintedin Baselin 1539(byJohannes Vualder),1549 and1571 (bothbyXylander), anda revisionprintedin Genevain 1587.On thesesee Jones,1:xxxiv. 59See,e.g.,editionsof 1480and1539.(Noteveryedition,it shouldbe noted,containeda prefatory vita.) 60On this see Joost-Gaugier,1997. 61 and of thelateQuattrocento Fora summary discoveries of thegreatgeographical see in their relation to 15. terms of Pelletier, earlyCinquecento map-making, 62O'Malley,1969,265-338;O'Malley, 1976, 185-200;andO'Malley,1979,especially207-08and236. 63Diller,1937, 174-84.

Strabo in Italia illustrata. It is believed that he made use of the new translation of Guarino shortly before it appeared.64 In 1457 Pius II expressed his indebtedness to both Ptolemy and Strabo in his Historia rerum ubique gestarum:it appears he had at his disposal Guarino's translation of the first ten books of Strabo's work.65The gift of Ptolemy's Geographyto Rene d'Anjou by Jacopo Antonio Marcello was actually part of a double gift, for it was accompanied by Strabo'sGeography.Millard Meiss has demonstrated that the two were in fact offered together, as part of the same "bouquet" of diplomatic gifts. Guarino'stranslation was not yet complete in 1457, but it was sent as soon as it was completed in 1459.66 In the dedication of the first printed edition (1469) of Strabo's Geographyin Rome, its printer, Giovanni Antonio Bussi, praised the great Greek geographers of the past, expressing his gratitude to the popes who had foreseen the necessity to translate the works of Ptolemy and Strabo in assigning their translations to Jacopo d'Angelo and Guarino da Verona respectively.67 Clearly, by late Quattrocento times, Italian humanists easily connected the two.68 The portrayal of Ptolemy and Strabo doubtless presented a problem for Raphael because no antique portrait of Ptolemy was known in Renaissance times; thus Ptolemy could be seen from the back, since his identification could rest on his crown and his terrestrial globe. Early printed editions of Strabo, even those that included woodblock or engraved borders or initials, did not contain portraits. Because Strabo was to be portrayed full face, Raphael may have used an appropriatecontemporary as a stand-in, just as he employed Bramante for Euclid (Fig. 5). Though Strabo appears to bear some resemblance to Leonardo da Vinci - himself a cartographer with "celestial" interests - as he might have appeared in his mid 50s when Raphael knew him in Flo64 On this see Gentile, 190. 65SeeDiller, 1975, 129; and Gentile, 188-89. 66Meiss,30-35; see also Gentile, 185-86. 67Gentile, 188. 68 In the greatgeographicalcompendiumof FrancescoBerlinghieri,the Settegiornatedellageographia,composedat century'send in 1495, its authorincludessignificant excerptsfrom the worksof both Ptolemyand Straboin his magnificentcodex. On this see Gentile,229-34. Renaissancehumanistinterestin the spherewas, of course,not limited to the worksof Straboand Ptolemy.Otherworks,includingmostlyNeopythagorean texts (derivingfrom Plato'sTimaeus)wereknown as well. RaffaeloMaffeiwho, as cited in note 12 above,was in the curiaof JuliusII, wrotea commentary(of unknowndate)to accompanyhis translationof Proclus'sDe Sphera.See ProcliDe SpheraLiberI, printedby HenricvmPetriin Baselin 1561, which containsMaffei'stext.

LIONARDO VA VINC I PITT. SCVLTOR F1OR. _'^^^Spi^^jr FIGURE 5. Leonardoda Vinci, Vasari, Ritrtt de'piv eccellntipittori, scltori, et architeti contenvti nelle Vte de m. Giorgio Vasari,ed. Giunti, Florence 1568, no. 82. (Photo: Library of Congress) rence,69 the high broad brow, straight nose, and prominent eyes suggest instead that he is represented by Castiglione, whose image is well known through Raphael's portrait, now in the Louvre. 69 The only portraitwe know of Leonardois the (later)woodcut of Vasari.The so calledself-portraitof Leonardo,a drawingin the BibliotecaRealeat Turin,has been the subjectof speculationeversince its appearancein 1840, when it was bequeathedto the libraryby CarloAlbertoduringhis reign. It is not mentioned in the older literatureon Leonardo.Althoughmost writersacceptthe drawingas a) by Leonardoand b) a self-portrait,thereareseveraltroublingissuesconnectedwith it beyondits unknownprovenance and the lack of its previousmention. These include the fact that the head is extremely differentfrom the portraitof Leonardopresentedby Vasari,who researchedcarefilly the individualartistshe workedon. Also to be consideredis the fact that the head appearsto resemblevery dosely imagesof Plato as they wereknown in ideali7l Greekportraitsin the late Quattrocento,most specifically,a portraitbroughtto Florencesupposedlyfrom the Old Academy in Athens which was aadored'by Ficino and other membersof the AcademiaPlatonica.Indeedbecauseit resemblesRaphael'sidea of Plato, the argument that the figurerepresentedis Plato (Raphaelwould haveknown the Florencebust, if not similarones) is strong.A second argumentlies in the fact that Raphaelknew Leonardo when Leonardowas in his fifties,whereasthe "self-portrait'appearsto representa much

The proposed presence of Ptolemy and Strabo in the School ofAthens reaffirmsthe antiquity and Hellenism of its characters.In this light it would be odd indeed to insist - or assume - that the two figures to the far right are meant to represent contemporary Italian painters, Raphael and Sodoma, Raphael and Perugino, or Raphael and Pinturicchio.70 Nonetheless, the hats they wear suggest these characters are, in fact, painters. Because of the extreme peripheral placement of the two, these figures were probably meant to represent famous painters of Greek antiquity. This is appropriate for, as Paul Oskar Kristeller has discussed, the steady rise of painting and the visual arts in Italy reached a point in the early sixteenth century where close links came to be established between literary culture, the sciences, and the visual arts.71Because knowledge of perspective, anatomy, cartography, and geometry was considered necessary for artists, the disciplines came to be separated from the crafts with which they had been previously associated. This had first occurred in the 1430s when Alberti demonstrated the new system of prospettiva legittima.72Although the idea was not yet formulated in a precise way, the ambition of painting to be recognized as a liberal art had ample supporters by the early Cinquecento - most notably in Leonardo himself, who argued the superiority of painting over poetry and music (traditional Pythagorean "domains")and described painting as a science. Thus a pair of great painters from Greek antiquity looking in on the scene could older man - which could, again, suggest Plato. Last but not least, Jakob Rosenberg expresseddoubtsabout the authenticityof the drawing,preferringto attributeit (on the basis of certain weaknessesin construction) to a pupil or follower of Leonardo.The drawing,in my judgment, representsPlato and probablywas made from a presumed antiquebust of him, perhapsby Leonardo.Regardingthis drawing,see Pedretti,3-7; and Sciolla,3-13 on its problematicprovenance.For Rosenberg'sdoubtssee Rosenberg,30. Vasari'sportraitof Leonardo(with inscription)is in Vasari,1568. No.82. 70As noted above,Vasariand Belloriboth regardedthe man to the left as a self-portraitof Raphael.This has neverbeen disputed,nor is therereasonto do so as the figure does resembleboth Vasari'sportraitof the Princeof Paintersand other presumedportraits (e.g., the supposedself-portraitin the Parnassus).The identity of the other man, however,has never been established.Clearly,as discussedabove (note 7), he is neither Sodoma nor Perugino.Given Raphael'srelationwith Pinturicchio(on this see Oberhuber, 155-72), this possibility must also be considered. However the figure does not resembleVasari'sportraitof Pinturicchio. Kristeller,especially182-84. 72Alberti,Della Pittura.See also the commentsof Gadolas cited in note 20 above.

serve to introduce this notion. Placed in the realm of geometry and cartography as well as on Aristotle'sside of the painting - Aristotle having argued that painted scenery and painted characterscould help give life to scenes - they were closely attached to Ptolemy, who himself had connected geography and painting.73 In concert with the balancing of opposites to create a harmonious unity as seen in other characters in this fresco, suggested identities for these peripheral charactersare Apelles and Protogenes. Apelles of Cos, according to Pliny the Elder in a work well known throughout the Renaissance - and which was represented by two manuscripts in the private library of Julius74- surpassed all other painters of Greek antiquity. The pupil of Pamphilius, the first painter to introduce geometry as a concern of painters, Apelles was famed for his execution of extraordinarilyfine lines. He came into contact with Protogenes, a former ship-painter who was a laborious colorist and a careful painter of nature. Their inventions in the art of painting were very different, and inimitable. Apelles, Pliny tells us, expressed his admiration for Protogenes by claiming the latter to be superior to himself. The two artists actually met, we are told, at Rhodes when Apelles painted an extremely fine line across the panel of an unfinished work of Protogenes, who was absent at the time. Upon his return, Protogenes recognized its author and, admitting his own inferiority, set out to find Apelles.75 Two such famed painters of Greek antiquity, both well known to Renaissance painters and both connected with Aristotle,76could well be the "outsiders"who enter the scene and become attached to the liberal arts in the domain of geometry on Aristotle's side of the painting. Because portraits of these were unknown in Renaissance times, the rep73Aristotle, ThePoetics,passim.Ptolemysaysthat geographersmust act as painters in composing in proportionate relation firstthelargerfeatures, thenthesmallerfeatures, to eachother(Geography, I:1). 74 TheHistoriaNaturalisof Plinythe Elderwas one of the volumesnoted (twice)in theinventory of JuliusII'slibrary(seenote6 above). 75 It was theteacherof Apelles,Plinytellsus,whowasthefirstpainter Pamphilius, to be highlyeducatedin all the facultiesof learning,especiallyin geometrywithout which,Pamphilius held,thepracticeof paintingcouldnot attainperfection(Hist.Nat. of Apelles andincomparability XXXV.xxxvi. themutualadmiration 76-77).Regarding andProtogenes seeHist.Nat.XXXV.xxxvi. 79-97and101-06.Amongpainters, theyare thetwoon whomPlinybestowsmostpraise. 76 TheirconnectionwithAristotleis, again,throughPliny,who describeson the of Alexander onehandthelove,friendship, andadmiration student) (whowasAristotle's motherby Protegenes forApelles,andon the othera portraitof Aristotle's (whoalso tookadvicedirectlyfromAristotle himself).SeeHist.Nat.XXXV.xxxvi.

resentation of one of them, the figure to the left, provided Raphael with an opportunity to sign the fresco through the insertion of what is clearly a self-portrait. Thus Apelles was represented by Raphael, a not-unlikely proposition since Vasarireferredto Raphael as the "newApelles."77 The model for the other artist must remain unclear at this time. He does not appear, however, to be Sodoma, Perugino, or Pinturicchio, whose portraits are known.78Nor does he resemble any other portrait of an artist living at the time known from Vasari. There is, however, the possibility that Protogenes is represented by an artist for whom Vasari provided no portrait. Such a possibility exists in Raphael's close friend and countryman, Timoteo da Urbino (Timoteo Viti). Vasaritells us that Timoteo was very much loved by Raphael who invited him to Rome "with much urgency ... where he went willingly, and was received with the affection and graciousness that was as much the manner of Raphael himself as of his excellence in art."79The first, it seems, took place in 1510, the same year that Raphael undertook the painting of the Schoolof Athens. It is not an unlikely leap of the imagination to speculate that Timoteo - who was about the same age as the man in the frescoprovided, as Vasari describes, not only the close friendship to Raphael but also superior assistance, thus earning his commemoration in this fresco.80 The case for this area of the geography of the School of Athens not only relates to Aristotle but also embodies the classical ideal to perfec77 ForVasari'sreferencesee Vasari,1878, 4: 493-94. See alsoMilanesi'snote at 494. 78 See note 80 above. "[C]onmolta instanza... doveandatodi bonissimavoglia,fu ricevutocon quella amorevolezzaed umanita,che fu non meno propriadi Raffaello,che si fussel'eccellenza dell'arte."Vasari,vita of Timoteo, 1878, 4:494-95. 80Vasarioffersseveralcomments on the closenessand love between Raphaeland Timoteo da Urbino (see his vita of Raphaelin 1878, IV,passim).Pope-Hennessyshows, through a drawingconnected with the SchoolofAthens,that Raphaelwas engaged in work on two sibyls and two prophets for the Chigi Chapel at the same time he was engagedin paintingthe SchoolofAthens,1510 (Pope-Hennessy,104-05). In his vita of Timoteo, Vasarirefersto a paintingof sibyls"tantostimateda tutti i pittori"executedby Timoteo togetherwith RaphaelduringTimoteo'sfirstvisit to Rome (whichwould have taken place in about 1510). Though Timoteo'spaintingis describedby Vasarias in S. Maria della Pace, this certainly suggests that Raphael and Timoteo were working togetherin 1510, probablyon severalpaintingsand possiblyincludingthe SchoolofAthens.That Raphaelmemorializedhis dearand belovedfriendwhen, aftera yearin Rome, Timoteo left to get marriedin Urbino,seemsa logicalpossibility.Bornin 1469, Timoteo was about fourteen yearsolder than Raphael.(ForVasari'svita of Timoteo see Vasari, 1878, 4:492-99.) Unfortunately,Vasaridid not providea woodcutto accompanyhis vita of Timoteo.

tion. The two most celebrated Greek geographers are related to each other through the fact that they hold complementary spheres. At the same time both are related to Euclid, Ptolemy through his application of geometric principles and Strabo through his praise of geometry. Accompanying them, the two most renowned painters of Greek antiquity make an entrance, through their special connection with geometry and cartography, to the world of learning. Sympathetic to the humanist plight of trying to build new subjects into the old structure,81Ptolemy and Strabo give additional meaning to the fresco when they turn to greet their visitors (not yet included in Raphael's preliminary cartoon). The painters are thus warmly welcomed into a unity of philosophical thought of which Pico della Mirandola would have been proud. UNIVERSITYOF NEW MEXICO 81 On this see, generally,GraftonandJardine,especially99.

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