Pythagoras and monachism

Je (dan, x. verbi | RSA, P. x À fhagoras Au el menarchish later Y Voy a / s #7 Ancien h 0 _ Studie Tr E adt(11 lette alrea the » e ; ; . the : PYTHAGORAS AND MONACHISM 433 1961 an Er a eva / A ¿story and % son of a well-to-do merchant, Mnesarchus. Tradilion has it that as a young man he spent a fairly long period in Egypt in order to familiarize himself with the cults of Isis and Osiris. ‘There, too, so runs the tale, he acquired his mathematical knowledge from which he later developed his system of numbers. Upon his return to Greece, he visiled first of all such religious centers as Delphi, Delos and Crele with a view to initialion in their myslic rites. In his native island, Samos, he then began to teach, but dissastisfied wilh the rule of Polycrates the tyrant, he soon resolved to seek out the Greek colonies of Southern Italy. After he had settled about 530 B.C. in Croton, the modern Crotone, then a centre of Orphic mysticism, he established a family. He is said to have had two to be Jonvan P., Pythagoras and monachism : Traditio XVII 1961 432-441. | éclairée L'histoire des origines du monachisme chrétien peut être utilement e présentant par une étude du pythagorisme, les enseignements de Pythagor en grand nombre des traits communs avec les préceptes des pionniers du, 1.1 favor, thoug cenlu monachisme. porta! certain., y ems ta venus; IM the case of insubidis phonelic changes of no concern and the manuscript reading ubi dis remains intact, 2. The haplography that must be assumed to explain insubidis, together + the allendant paleographical phenomena (viz., the use of the Lilde), is fa common. 3, Gellius seems to have been fond, so to speak, of the word insubidus—to the extent, indeed, that the greatest number of instances of Lhe word are found in his writings. children. For many years he labored as philosopher, healer, political teacher and guide; legend made of him also a thaumaturge. is steadily growing influence and the reproach that his disciples were sectarians and eceenlries who preached a doctrine detrimental to the commonweal, produced tensions which prompled him to migrate to Metapontum where he died (-197/6). Some fortyodd years laler there occurred at Croton a violent anti-Pylhagerean oulbreak in the course of which all but two leaders are said to have lost Lheir lives in an incendiary conflagration, and later still, about 290, occurred what has been called the ‘final exodus’ from Italy. About this time the ¿fodayootoraí begin to appear in Greece,’ where they are lampooned by the poets of the Middle Comedy.‘ Pythagoras was first of all a religious reformer. ‘“Æzov 080, sequere Deum’ — ‘complete absorption in God, to be consumed by Him, Lo be filled with Him — was for him the meaning of life and its goal, for he took man Lo be, as a disciple University of Maryland. WiLLiAM T. Avery of a later age was to express it, an ‘incarnale mind, a spiritual vessel.?* His wish was to see his disciples initiated into mystic experiences, to teach them è the way to the contemplation of divine mysteries. For ethical reasons he wished, to establish the Greek city-state on a new basis, to bring about a religious rebirth PYTHAGORAS AND MONACHISM in public life. Since he himself has left no writings of any kind, we are entirely dependent for an account of his teaching upon the works of his disciples and The biography of Pythagoras of Samos! is embroidered with legend,? and successors. On the basis of these it is possible to reconstruct with a fair degree what the Neo-Pythagoreans tell us is interwoven with Platonic and Aristotelian of accuracy and completeness the mode of life which (he Pylhagoreans considered ideas. ideal. His very name — he whose birth was foretold by the Pythian god, Apollo, or he who utters oracles as does Apollo — gives a hmt of the myslery enveloping his personality. This at least is certain, that he was born about 580 B.C. as the Certain parallels between this ideal and the Christian monastic life of a later period are the concern of the present study. In spite of the divergences of such authors as Arisloxenus, Dicaearchus, Timacus, Hermippus, Apollonius of Tyana, Nicomachus, and others, our reconstruction need not be based on conjecture, the doctrine of Lhe Master being 2 J. Burnet, ‘Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism,' and Ethics (Edinburgh and New York Geschichte der griechischen Literatur 1 1 (München 1908-1927) Hastings’ Encyclopaedia of 10.520-530; W. Religion Schmid - O. Stählin, 1929) 732-741; the collection of reledeeply imbedded in the (hought and manner of life of Une Neo-Pylhagoreans who gained influence in the first cenlury before Christ with the efflorescence due to the efforts of Posidonius of Apamea and Nigidius Figulus. vant texts for both biography and doctrine, H. Diels, Fraymente der Vorsokraliker 1 (6th ed. Berlin 1951), is almost too well known to require special citation : Pythagoras, 96-105; Old Pythagorcans, 105-113; Pythagorean School, 416-180. Sce also G. S. Kirk and J. E. Raven, The Presocratic Philosophers (Cambridge 1957) 217-231, 236-262, bibliography, 447-8); K. Praechler, Die Philosophie des Altertums 307-318 (special (Berlin 1926) 61-73, 513-524; E. Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen 1 1 (7th ed. Leipzig 1923) 361-617, III 2 (Sth ed.) 92-175; M. P. Nilsson, Geschichte der yriechischen Religion 1 (München 1941) 662-670, II (ibid, 1950) 396-107; J. Carcopino, La Basilique pythagoricienne de Majeure (9th ed. Paris 1944) 161-206. 2 J. Levy, Recherches sur les sources de la légende de Pythagore (Paris 1926). la Porte The latter ~ 3 Kurt von Fritz, Pythagorean Politics in Southern Italy (New York 1940) 92. * The fragments are assembled by Dicls, op. cit. 1.178-180, and are discussed al length by Georges Méautis, Faculté Recherches sur le Pythagorisme (Recueil de Travaux publiés par la des Leltres 9; Neuchâtel 1922) 10-18. 3 Secundus Atheniensis, Sententiae, cd. Graccorum 1 F. G. A. Mullach, Fragmenta Philosophorum (Paris 1883) 513. 6 Méautis, op. cif. 9-10, following A. Delatte, Études sur la tiltérature pythagoricienne (Paris 1915), asserts — wilh good reason — the continuily of the religious and ascetical

e was a friend of Cicero, by whom he was at one time praised as ‘acer inveslivator el diligens carum rerum quae a natura involulae videntur? and expressly declared to have renewed the Pythagorean discipline,” This movement, however, since it functioned as a secret society, was in its official teaching and in ils practice, to a considerable extent, shrouded in mystery, From the Convivial Questions of Plutarch we learn that the Pythagorcans considered essential portions of their teaching as secret (arcana), communicable to the iniliate only.2 In the same author's dialogue, On the Sign of Socrates, Galixodorus, having severely criticized the conduct of Theanor the Pythagorean, who had spent the night at the grave of Lysis in order to obtain a message from the deceased, denounced those who indulge in such practices in order to appear beloved of the gods and superior to others (579 F). Almost immediately afterward he says that Socrates had received from Pythagoras a philosophy ‘steeped in dreams, myths, and superstitions’ (580 C). The interpretation of dreams appears to have had a bearing upon certain dietary regulations of the Pylhagoreans. As a matter of fact, the neo-Platonist Iamblichus tells us that Lhey were anxious not to overburden the body with food as otherwise the soul could not rise to the regions of pure being while the body was wrapped in sleep. To promote easy sleep the Pythagoreans also played the lyre before reliring, as altested by Plutarch in his treatise, On Isis and Osiris,* and indeed music was a highly esteemed element in the Pythagorean life.” Had not ty the first in the history of music to establish been Pythagoras in all probabili scientifically, on the basis of the mathematical principles he had elaborated, the doctrine of the scale? And do we not find in both the Republic and the Timaeus of Plato more than one passage based ultimately on the musical and mathematical doctrines of Pythagoras and his school?" teachings of the ‘Old’ Pythagorean school; see especially Delatte’s chapter, ‘Le catéchisme des Acousmatiques’ (op. cif. 271-312), a commentary on Tamblichus, De Vila Pythagorica, — For compleleness uf c. 18 (sections $0-89; ed. Deubner [Teubner 1937] 46.3-52.19). — Pythagoras’ Tradition Biographical ‘The of here made be may mention documentation, (Transaclions and Proceedings of the American Philological Associalion 90 [1959] 185-1941) by J. A. Philip, whose evaluation of the later biographies of Pythagoras is quite different from that of the present writer. ? Cicero, Timaeus 1.1: ‘sic iudico, post nobiles Pythagorcos, quorum disciplina exstincta est quodammodo, cum aliquot saccula in Italia Siciliaque viguisset, hunc exstilisse qui illam renovarct” (M. ‘fulli Ciceronis Scripla quae manserunt omnia, ed. C. F. W. Müller [Lipsiac 1528] 4.3.214). 2 8.8.1 (Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia recognovit G. N. Bernardakis 4 [Lipsiae 1892) 336-7). ? 3548; cf. Quinlilian, /nstitutio oratoria 9.4.12. 10 Jamblichus, De Vita Pylhagorica (n. 6 above) 25.110-115. 12 The indices Lo J. Adain’s edition of the Republic (Cambridge University Press 1920-21) and A. E. Taylor's Commentary on Plato's Timacus (Oxford 1928) are a convenient help to finding {be passiges in question, Lo say nothing of the value of the notes on the respective passages. On Pythagoreanism as the background of much of Plato's teaching, see J. Burnel’s article cited in note I above, 528-330. (Alistar Cameron's dissertation, The Pythagorean Kuckground for the Theary of Lecollection (Menasha, Wis. 1938] has been inaccessible to the writer.) PYTHAGORAS AND MONACHISM ARADITIO 135 Fundamental in Pythagorean community-life was the concept of xowwrla or Guyyéreta, that is, of ‘community-spiril,’ of friendship in the sense of brotherly love, since all living beings were for {hem related Lo one another, inasmuch as they were united Lo one another as sons of God in the slricl senseof {he term. So close a relationship was for them the mark of all human, and indeed of all animal existence, for Lhey saw in it an expression of Lhe origin of all creation in God. In a lengthy passage preserved for us by Diogenes Laertius, in which Alexander Polyhistor (80-40 B.C.) is quoting or summarizing from an work, the Pylhagorean Memoirs, we read as follows: carlier ‘The sun and moon and the other stars are gods, for heat, which is the cause of life, preponderales in them. And the moon is illumined by the sun. And there is a kinship between gods and men, ovyyéreta 1005 Oeods, inasmuch as man has a share in this heat.’ Seneca most probably had this ouyyévera and zomworia in mind when he wrote: ‘Pythagoras omnium inter omnia cognationem esse ducebat,’3 Because this xotroría united not only all mankind but all living beings with the gods, the Pythagorcans abstained from flesh meat. Hence their objection to animal sacrifice, and hence, too, their exemplary mutual affection and esteem, the gentleness which, as Plutarch rather emphatically says, distinguished them and contrasted sharply with the warlike life of that time. ‘The love of all for all,’ says lamblichus, was the basic law of Lhe Pythagorean mode of life. That the Pythagorean belief in the linked with these views, scarcely transmigration of souls was intimately requires any proof. been drawn between Pythagoras and St. Francis of Assisi. A parallel has Porphyry and Iamblichus both recount, for example, the legend of the wild bear in Apulia which Pythagoras caught, fondled and fed, and from which he then received a promise to desist from his previous murderous conduct, Who would not here recall the story of the wolf of Gubbio known to us from the Fioretti of St. Francis, and the parallel narralives in the Vila Antonii, and Lhose of the abbot Macarius? Admission into the xowmria of the Pythagoreans,® depended upon an examination, a scrutiny which concerned itself not only with the parents and ancestors of the candidate, with his social contacts and his manners, but also 12 8.27, W. Wiersina, ‘Das Referal des Alexandros Polyhistor über die pylhagorcische Philosophie,’ Mnemosyne, 3.S. 10 (1941) 97-112, concludes thal sections 26-30 of Alexander’s statement may safely be used as an ‘allpythagoreische Urkunde,’ However, if Festugiére is correct (‘Les Polyhistor,’ “Mémoires Pythagoriques” cités par Alexandre Revue des Études grecques 58 [1945] 1-59), these Porojorjgara ‘ne peuvent aucunement servir de source pour la connaissance du pythagorisme originel, Et il faut dene les retirer de la place indue qu'ils oceupent dans la deraière édilion des Vorsokraliker’ (p. 59) (Neue Diskussion notwendig,’ says Kranz in the ‘Nachtrag zum ersten Band’ of Lhe sixth edition, 503.29-30). 13 Ep. 108.18. 8 7%, Arbesmann, Verstiche und ‘Das Fasten bei den Gricchen u. Römern,’ Religionsgeschiehtliche Vorarbeiten 21 (Giessen 1929) 103-107; J. IInussleiter, Der Vegelarismus in der Antike (same series, 24; Berlin 1935) 97-157 (Pythagoras u. die Pythagorcer}, 296-314 (Die Wiederbelebung des Vegetarismus bei den Neupythagoreern), 404-109 (three exccptionally interesting bibliographical lists). The brief account given in this and the following paragraph of the Pythagorean ‘novitiate’ is based on chapter 17 of Tantblichus’ Life (ed. Deubner, 40-42).

TRADITIO PYTHAGORAS AND MONACHISM wilh his physiognomy, since il was believed that from this factor, Loo, deductions could be drawn concerning a man’s character, After this preliminary examinalion, Which might vary in duration according Lo circumstances, Lhere followed a ‘first’ noviliate or ‘postulancy’ of three years, during which time the ‘aptilude’ of the applicant was tested particularly in the matter of perseverance or stability, eagerness to learn and indifference toward honor or esteem. There followed a five-year ‘novitiate,’ at Lhe beginning of which the candidates turned their possessions over to the community. They were now still ‘exoteries,’ éeSwreptxol, that is, they were obliged to persevere in silence, égeuv0ia; they were listeners, learning obedience and practicing it. Quite in agreement with the opening words of the Prologue of St. Benedict’s Regula Monachorum: *Ausculta, o fili, verba magistri et... admonitionem pii Palris libenler excipe, we read at the beginning of a fegdg Adyog, attributed by Heraclides Lembos (2nd century B.C.) to Pythagoras and preserved for us by Diogenes Laertius, the words: "O véor, did vépeode pel” jovzing tdde área." And in the Convivial Questions of Plutarch mention is made of a Pythagorean named Lucius, who remains perfectly still with his eyes cast down,” in a manner more or less suggestive of the twelfth degree of humilily in Chapter VII of St. Benedict’s Rule. During these eight years of noviceship, the candidates and novices heard the voice of the Master, but he himself remained hidden behind a curtain. Only at the end of their novitiate did they become initiates, éowreg:zol. Only then were Lhey allowed to see the master face to face. It is worth noting also at this point that according to lamblichus, if a candidate was rejected, a burial mound Was erected in commemoration of his ‘death,’ and if this happened at any time after the surrender of his goods, he received the double of what he had brought to the community. The Pythagoreans, once initiated, wore also a distinctive dress and observed a rather sharply defined order of day.” In the morning everyone was obliged to lake a walk alone (zatà Ova) and in a lonely spot (if possible, in a templegrove), to reflect upon himself — in other words, to ‘meditate’ — for only in si- 1:57 instructions which were always repented in the same words (a kind of Compline), whereupon they relired to their respective homes, for the ‘community-life’ involved only the hours of the day. The principle of authority was the basis of the Pythagorean community, for the teachings of the Master were binding upon all. Adrds ¿qa, ‘He himself said it,’ were words which recurred constantly in the conversations of the disciples. Their whole mode of life was «dirceled toward sanctification. They considered themselves ztjuara thy Der, chaltels of the gods, whose chief and only duty it was to practice, in accordance with instructions laid down by the Master, the ascelicism which was more and more to free the soul from the bonds of the body, to lead it lo greater personal perfection and likeness to the gods, The following dictum of Pythagoras has been handed down to us by Plutarch: ‘Then we are really good when we go to the gods," and Ilierocles, the fifthcentury Neo-Plalonisl of Alexandria, in his Commentary on Ue Golden Verses of Pythagoras, quotes a series of Pythagorean maxims which include the following : ‘ You will honor God best, if you make your mind like to God,’ and a fille farther on: ‘God has no dwelling on earth more acceptable than a pure soul,’ Il seemed, then, to be one’s chief task in life lo prepare for death. Plato had this in mind when in the Republic he speaks of the Fedayónetos todsog tod foo, the Pythagorean mode of life, for in Ihe Phaedo, which would seem to be dedicated to Ihe Pythagoreans of Phlius, il is explicitly stated that geAdcogor are they who ‘practice’ dealh.? In the Neo-Pythagorean ‘Golden Verses,’ a didactic poem of ethical content, composed in the second? or third?! century of our era, but containing not a few passages of a much earlier dale, all relaled lo Pythagoras’ teaching, reverence for the gods, self-control and mildness in converse with one’s fellowmen, purily of life, prayer, observance of ritual, contempt of wealth and honor, syslemalic self-examination, respect for elders, helpfulness loward juniors, and kindness toward one’s contemporaries are mentioned as the most important requirements. The recognilion of a scale of moral values was thus made the lence, as the Master taught, could one prepare oneself properly to mect one’s fellow men. Then the members of the community assembled in a lemple to study ® Moralia 169E (On Superstition); 413 13 (On the Obsalescence of Oraeles). 9 Mullach, ep. cil. (n. 5 above) 420-421. in common under the guidance of the seniors for the purpose of self-improvement (a chapter of faulls!). This was followed by physical exercises. After a common meal which consisted of honey and bread, a kind of ‘collation,’ they devoted themselves Lo problems of the day — political, pedagogical, artislic, and scientific. Toward cvening one set out on a walk in twos and threes to discuss lando? what one had learned in the course of the day (colloquia). In accordance with the custom of their country, ‘perambuconsisted of bread, vegetables and the Pythagoreans bathed fruit, and was so U Republic 600B. 2 Phaedo GAAB, 67D, SOF, SIA. 3 Ernestus Dichl, Anthologia Lyrica Greera 1 (Lipsiac 1922-25) 186-194 (wilh elaborate apparatus); P. €, Van der Morst, Les Vers Por pythayoriciens (Leiden 1932) xaxivensxceudi daily, dining aflerwards at tables at which nomore than ten were accommodated. The meal at. preceded and followed by sacrifice and prayers, As a rule the junior member of the group read during the meal, and the senior brought the day to a cluse with counsels and (Dale des Varod “fay). — Mari» Meunier, Pythagore, Les Vers d'Or (Paris 1931). published together wilh a translation of Hieroeles® Commentary; G. Méaulis, Le livre de la sages pythagoricienne, Traduction el commentaires des Vers Dares pythagoriciens (Paris 193%). A German translation is to be found in O, Willmann, Pythagereische Erziehangserri het (Freiburg i. Br. 1922) 48-51; the English translation by Nicholas Rowe appeared in Lorie 1719 and was several Limes therenfter reprinted: the very free French translation by False d'Olivet, first published in 1813, was reprinted with an English version of the French (NY. 16 Diogenes Laérlius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers [19:31] 526.) dianblichivs. op. cit. 23 Classical Library, HI and London 1925). The older French versions (Dacier, 1706: Coupée, 1790), as ako tor German translation by J. W. Lo. Gieim (Halberstadt To Loc, cit, fn. 8 above) » 8.7 (Loeb 1786), have been inaccessible to toe author of the present study. (ed. Deubner 56-58). 22 A. Delatte, Études (n. 6 above) 43: "il me parait difficile de placer Ja publicatien m potine plus tard que te milieu du 1117 siècle de notre tre,’

PYERLAGORAS AND MONACHISM TRADITIO condition for Ihe allainment of happiness. Jf these values were disregarded, relribulion in the next world, re-incarnation until complete eleansing of the soul was achieved, was inevitable. The spirit of these * Golden Verses’ is reflected in the following quotations: ‘Let this be accounted by vou as right: to check the desire for food (Aroottia), Ihe desire for sleep (G/tyoiizria), the desires of the flesh, and anger. Cling nol to material goods; be mindful of this: that death awails us all. Bear calunmy with mildness.’® This was the spirit which was to be cullivated in the community; a harmonious personalily was Lo be developed in the adjustment Lo one’s confrères (Erunntoriog todtys). The examination of conscience was therefore an essential factor of asceticism. subject one reads as follows in the ‘Golden Verses’: On this Thou shall not allow sleep Lo sellle upon thy tired eyes before thou hast examined thy whole day’s work. Wherein have I failed? What have I achieved? What duly have I failed to perform? Go through all, beginning with {he first, If thou has done aught amiss, be sorry; if thou hast done well, be happy.** This rule of the Pythagoreans was known to Cicero, who in his famous dialogue on Old Age has the Elder Gato say that for the sake of exercising his memory, he every evening passes in review, after the manner of the Pythagorcans, all that he has said, heard, and done in the course of the day.” Of course, Cato’s motive is quite different from that of Pythagoras’ disciples. The Pythagorean community was a religious association, a school of virtue, of piety and moderation, of obedience and order, in effect and of its kind, a ‘schola Dominici servitii,’ somewhat as St. Benedict conceived it. In Lhis sense, Pythagoras was the founder of an order — on Pagan ground. A more thorough investigation of the sources than has hitherto been undertaken, presumably may yet bring Lo light in the literature of the carly Church numerous echoes From the passages cited above, one may conclude of Pylhagorean thought. that the ascetic concepts which permeate both the New Testament and the Old, concepts which crystallized in the literature and practice of monachism, were vital in certain schools of Greck thought also and were hence taken over into the pattern of Roman life. Whether it be dardadeıa, which for the Neo- Pythagoreans included also celibacy, a concept shared by the Neo-Platonists, or whether it be the Pythagorean &yeuv0la, silence, or petdrota, in the sense of Plato’s 778000901), the ‘turn’ or conversion of the soul in ils ascent loward Being," or &yzodrera, self-control achieved through abstinence from flesh-meat, from intoxicaling beverages and from pleasures of the senses in general, or whether it be the concepl, o@ya-aijun (the body, the tomb of the soul), or the community of goods Which Tamblichus emphasizes as the distinctive mark of the school of Croton pos autour more indiWe know Lhal the Benedictine Rule was influence! by Origen (and the Rule after all, is not so much a reelly than dircelly spontancous creation as the convergence of various traditions into a unified whole of distinelive stamp). In the works of Origen traces of NeoPythagoreanism are not infrequent, as indeed the popular philosophy of the Hellenistic period is a syneretistic combination of Platonic, Stoic, Gnostic, and Pythagorean elements. In the last centuries of antiquity, therefore, it was and Christian elements should be fused - in such inevitable Ihal non-Christian a way, lo be sure, thal the unique character of the Christian Revelation was in no way impaired. For there existed in the Pagan world vestiges of the primitive Revelation (the Uroffenbarung) which by their very nature could not be in contradiction with Christian (ruth, Tertullian’s phrase, «anima naluraliter Christiana, is a pointed expression ofthe fact {hat by the Creator’s Will human nature is predisposed toward the supernatural. The moral and religious bases of humanity could, therefore, be correctly understood (at least, in germine) in the pre-Christian period, as is again clearly seen in the views of man and his destiny which wemeet in classical Greek philosophy, [lis altogether understandable that in the first four Christian centuries Pythagoreanism and Neo-Platonism, perhaps the nearest approaches of that era Lo the “philosophie life? as il was cultivated in the schools of Athens in the Lime of Plato and Aristolle, should have found many followers, especially among members of the edueated classes, who in the midst of social disintegration sought a support which no longer was Lo be found anywhere. Also it is significant that in this age of transition, of general and apparently inevitable decay,” such a work as the Life of Apollonius of Tyana, wrilten about 250 by the Pythagorean Philostratus, was Widely cirewlated: clear evidence of the influence of Pythagorean traditions upon the intellectual and religious structure of the period in which Benedict became the father of Western monasticism. In this work: the Oe7og do, the man elosely related to God and replenished wilh the divine Spirit, is represented as he was later Lo be conceived by Benedict himself, that is, as gorazós. This ‘monk’ whose entire life is directed toward God, is here portrayed in genuinely Pythagorean colors. Apollonius was for his biographer a * Pythagorean,’ because he ‘despised wine, flesh-meal, and garments made of sheep’s wool, were linen and went barefool, Tel his hair grow long, kept his eyes cast down and vowed perpelual chastity.’ The ‘wise man’ (gopds, vir sapiens) of Matthew 7.21, who has bail his house on a rock. is for Benedict the monk, For the Pythagorean and Pialonist, he was the philosopher. who practiced in the school of the philosenters that which is more or Jess analozious to Christian dry, carêlas fratenis Origen knows of this schooling, as it is understood by the Pythagorems, ter in an (zomd ta tor pidwv)—at every point we meet parallels which would suggest a exceplionally interesting context he explicitiv mentions 79 TG» Hedacrooetor certain affinity in concepts between Pythagoras and early Christian monachism. cenvor Siacxudsior In fact, the Pythagorean schools, like Une Neo-Platonie, 25 Vy. 9-12, 15-16, 21-23 (Van der Horst, op. cit. 1-2). 25 Vw, 40-41, See Van der Iorst's interesting comment, op. cil. 22-25, 27 De Senectute 11.38. See Umberto Moricea’s exceptionally valuable article, ‘L'esame di coscienza e Ja storia di un precetto pitagorico,* 11 Monde Classico 10 (1910) 221-214. 22 Republic 521C. 29 €. N. Cochrane, Christianity aid Classical Culture (Oxford 1910) IV; Regnam Gaesaris Resnum Diaboti’ (especially pages 151-176). 30 (Cf. Philostratus, Life of Apolonins of Pyana 6.11 (Apollonius reply to his Fuyplian erities). a Contra Celsam 3.5. (PG 11.088); ed. Kocteehan (heiode 1890) 2.017.260, Te on earlier passage of this same work (2121 PG PESETHE cd. Koetschan 1.11.1017) Ovino Has

TRADEFLO PYTHAGORAS were Diavor, religious connnunilies whose Plato, loo, maintained, as we know, next ultimate purpose was worship, Lo his Academy a Mouscion, a shrine of the Muses, and the other philosophic schools of his time also had their specia l quarters or temples dedicated lo the service of the gods. ” Prthagoreanism is of special interes t for the sludent of the origins of Chris{ian monachism inasmuch as no other religious movement of antiquity maintained its existence over so long a period --- from the sixth century before Christ almost to the very end of the Roma n Empire, eleven centuries in all. As it profoundly influenced Plate, Aristo tle, Plutarch and Philo of Alexan dria, even so this system at a later dale enter ed into the work of Clement of Alexa ndria, Origen and Basil. In a line parallel Lo the development which began in the days of primitive Christianity, Greek tradition had opened a way for the ascetic life lived in common. The ascelic Lenden cies within certain systems of Greek philosophy were, if one may use the word in this context, no less eschat ological than those within Christianity itself, ‘The way of these Greeks was fundamentally analogous to asmuch as they stressed asceticism, flight both that of the Christians: the logical consequence. from odoé to nvevua. Infrom the world was for both U would bea mistake, however, lo go much further in the interpretation of such parallels, Karl Heussi, for instance, has maint ained that in the brief description of the communily of goods among the first Christians at Jerusalem (Acts 4.32-33, 2.44-4 5) we have a fusion of Hellenistic philosophy and Christian ideals, but this would seem to be a misreading of the evidence. The recent discoveries at Qumran* have extended our horizo n sufficiently to Lemper our eagerness Lo formul ate conclusions on the basis of external resemblances, to say nothing of identi cal vocabulary. Ascetic views, comparable to those found in the Christian tradition and where, unquestionably flourished in certai world also. n milicux of the Hellenic and Hellen As Père Festugiére has succinctly expressed est un fait humain, parlant universe], qui istic it: ‘la vie monastique Reilzenstein has explained, is probably a technical term.’ man becomes, as did poneros? + of God,” Antony, is the living proof of the complete superiorit y of the ChrisLian ascelic over the ‘divine man’ of the pagans as represented by Pythagoras, In full accord with (his view one may hold thal there is hardly any literary or real dependence of carly Christian monachism upon Pythagora s. IL will probably be impossible to prove any Pythagorean influence, in the strict sense of the word, upon Christian monachism, As Steidle has convincingly slated, ‘at the beginning of monachism stands not the “divine man” of Hellenism, not the I(cUenistic “philosopher.” but the God-man, His counsel, His example, His divine power, and his Holy Spirit. AL the beginning of monachism stands the example ... of Christ’s Apostles, that of Tis martyrs and of (he Angels, Ta the Christian “man of God” the Hellenistic “divine man” finds his fulfilmen t and redemption. Y Other perspectives however may suggest Lhemselves, if we examine external resemblances, at times startling points of agreemen t, and even a certain conceptual kinship between the teachings of the Sage of Samos and the pioneers of Who knows bul that points of conlact may yet be found from which it may prove rewarding Lo commence anew a of the to those Pracmus Jer SOME who have ‘apostatized.’ the brane 17 _ ee TT ill q oF ° (1887) “De Vila Pyihagoriean” de denies any such obser- Jamblique,’ Revue des Études 478, Pritzenstein. Des Allanasins Werk über das Leben des Antonius (Sb, = Heidetherg 39 40. ni Auly cient \ yh iR eng recent an ch 15m d ms" Bardtke, Die Handschriftenfunde am Noten Meer {Berlin 1958) asserts OAL I Festugióre, “Sur fe AUD) ON 1 0.S.R. ae P of the incoming candidate: ‘Er muss sein Vermögen zwangsweise abliefern und lebt in vollizer Besitzlosizkeit ...* (207); see also W, Pesch, G.Ss.R., ‘Zur Exegese von Mt 6, 19-21 und Lk 12, 1038-31, fiblica 11 (1900) 3617, d. NOTES Latin palacograr* Qumran; Uhus Chain Babin, Qumran Studies (Oxford 1957) 22-31, Vance, Whereas Hans “OU critical invesligation sources? Beuron. — % Reference may here be made to P. Boyance 's stimulating volume, Le culte des Muses chez tes philosophes grees (Paris 1 937). 9 Karl Heussi, Ursprung des Mönchtums (Túbingen 1936) 20. 3 The writer is aware (hal authorities differ concerning the ‘community of goods’ in 1419, Iermit, mrevgarogónos, even Bey o- Benedictine ‘stabilitas,’ too, has its counte rpart in Lhe concept, already referred to the custom of the Pythago reans here mentioned, namely, that of ereeting SO the silence was the highest form of avevpatizi) ZAurpela, this too a prerequisite of r grecques Antony Ro every form of ascelicism, In his important study of St. Antony, Basilius Steidle likewise has referred to these contingencies. He has no doubt that St. Athanasius used a Vita Mythagorae, bul it is none the fess certain that in Athanasius’ mind the ‘man doubt. ‘Arazdoyets especially, a prerequisite for the monastic life, was familia a cenotaph St. as In this relirement, Reitzenslein has pointed out Gnostic parallels also, for mystic to the Neo-Pythagoreans even to the point of ¿yx2etopós, the solitary life of the recluse. ttt zu0éteo0a:, which signifies ‘choosing a place of permanent residence, "7 [amoffre les mêmes traits communs sous Such words as doxyats, draybonot, xowdftov leave no toutes les latitudes, MONACUISM blichus uses Une phrase, pord lear Er reis donpears, in which pordiser, Christian monachism. else-