Pythagoras palaestinus

Since Josephus himself had been an Essene in his youth®, this statement must Gorman P., Pythagoras Palaestinus : Philologus CXXVII 1383 30-42 [en angl.]. PETER GORMAN | It is demonstrated not only that the Jews contended that Pythagoras had been inspired by the books of Moses because of the many resemblances between religion and his philosophy, but also that there existed a separate Hellenistic tradition linking with him Jewistraits. many Jewish with owing him Pythagoras with Palestine and endowing PYTHAGORAS PALAESTINUS Some time ago, in his study, “La légende de Pythagore de Grèce en Palestine”, Lévy! drew some interesting parallels between Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism, be based on a personal knowledge of the Essenes and not some suppositious comparison between Pythagoreanism and Essenism; that is, Josephus must have been aware and was probably told that the founder of the reformed Pythagorean Essenism, the Teacher of Righteousness®, had knowingly employed (yp@pevov) the way of life of Pythagoras (8:atry, not ‘diet’) which he must have learnt about from the writings of Hellenistic Jews and of Pythagoreans who have handed down to us the Jewish Pythagoras, the prototype of the Teacher of Righteousness, The earliest attested contact between Alexandrian Jewry and Greek philosophy on the one hand, and the Jews, including the New Testament, on the other, is the commentary on the Pentateuch of Aristoboulos who flourished in Alexanbut failed to produce a convincing case? that the Alexandrian Jews in fact knew dria in the second half of the second century B.C.f and dedicated his book to Ptole- Pythagoras or mentioned him in their writings or asserted that he had borrowed the main tenets of his philosophy from the Pentateuch. In the following it will my Philometor (181—146 B.C.), but Clement also describes him as being born under Ptolemy Philadelphos?. He was also (falsely) identified with the Aristobe demonstrated not only that the Jews contended that Pythagoras had been boulos of the second book of Maccabees!?, According to Clement", Aristoboulos, inspired by the books of Moses because of the many resemblances between religion and his philosophy, but also that there existed a separate Hellenistic tradition linking Pythagoras with Palestine and endowing him with many Jewish traits. The present analysis of the sources will show that Lévy’s basic thesis is of whose library were discovered in 1947 near the Dead Sea. Literature on this subject includes observations such as the following: “The Teacher of Righteousness was, to put it boldly, a kind of Jewish Pythagoras ...” (Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 162). “The Galilaean Master, as He is presented to us in the writings of the New Testament, appears in many respects as an astonishing reincorrect: that the life or legend of Pythagoras (it is immaterial for the purpose carnation of the Master of Justice.” (A. Dupont-Sommer, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952, 99) of these arguments whether the Hellenistic biographies are fact or fiction) had “There is, therefore, no doubt that in the eyes of the faithful (ie. the Essenes) the crucified Teacher extensive influence in Palestine. The main reason for this, overlooked by Lévy, (i.e. of Righteousness), the ‘exalted man’, was a reincarnation of Joshua, son of Nun, known in the is to be found in the tradition, independent of the Jews and early patristic authors, which associates Pythagoras with Palestine and invested both him and his philo- Greek texts as Jesus.” (J. M. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Christian Myth, Newton Abbot 1979, 82) Dupont-Sommer (The Dead Sea Scrolls, op. cit., 8) dates the passion and death of the Master about April 65—63 B.C. sophy with many characteristics which fortuitously also form part of the Jewish 5 Cf. Josephus, Vita. 2. When he was sixteen he sampled the Essene way of life and later became religion. This Jewish Pythagoras was so influential in Judaea in the last few centhe disciple of a solitary named Bannus in the Judaean wilderness. This Bannus man have been turies B.C. and the first century A.D. that, according to Josephus, the Essenes, an Essene. one of the three principal religious sects of Hellenistic Jewry, consciously adopted the way of life of Pythagoras: . ol map’ nuiv "Eooator xaAovpevor. yévos de Tour” Foti dtaity ypúpevov tH map’ "EdArow Lrò Mudayépou xatadederypevys. ! Paris 1927. Levy's work has most recently been described by Philip (Pythagoras and Early Pythagoreanism, Toronto 1966, 196, n. 3): “Levy's studies leave considerations of historical fact on one side and sometimes overstate their thesis, especially in suggesting that Pythagoras is the prototype of Jesus.” 2 Lévy, op. cit., 295—331. Biggs (The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, Oxford 1886, 242 to 243) had already written: “If Christ was Son of God, so were Plato, Pythagoras, Apollonius. If Christ wrought signs and wonders, Pythagoras also caused a miraculous draught of fishes and fasted for forty days ... If Christ taught in parables, so too did Pythagoras. It was Pythagoras who first proclaimed the golden rule ‘thou shalt love thy friend as thyself’, ...” 3 Cf. H. Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean writings of the Hellenistic Period. Abo 1961, 49: “Lévy produces no hypothesis that the Jews of Alexandria had used writings ascribed to Pythagoreans; nor does the material collected by him indicate anything of that kind.” 4 AJ. XV 10,4. Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, The Jewish Sect of Qumran and the Essenes, New York 1956, 117. The Essenes, of course, have been identified with the Qumran sect the fragments * Dupont-Sommer (The Dead Sea Scrolls, op. cit., 97), discussing the origins of the Qumrai sect of the Essenes; says: „Indeed, if the Essenism of the second century B.C., impregnated wit! Iranian influence, seems to have come to birth in Mesopotamian Jewry, the reform brought abou‘ early in the first century by the Master of Justice, a reform of Pythagorean inspiration, seems t have been of Egyptian origin from Alexandria, where the Pythagorean renaissance had its centre.’ 7 Plato (Rep. 600a—b) already speaks of a Pythagorean tpénoc, a word with the same meaning as Stan. 8 0.C.D., 111, article: Aristobulus. Gercke in the R.E., 919 dates Aristoboulos as not much later than 100 B.C. and is sceptical of his flourishing during the reign of Philometor. Lévy (La légende, op. cit., 230) rejects the authenticity of Aristoboulos’ fragments, but gives no cogent arguments and harms his own case to boot. ® Clemens Alex., Strom. V 15, col. 145 (Migne): ... AgrotoBobAw Se ra xara IIrokeuaïov yeyovér: (ie. born) tov Diraderpov ... 10 Cf. 2 Macc. 1,10. Gercke points out that this is a Christian forgery (R.E., 919). If Aristo boulos indeed flourished in the second half of the second century B.C., this is of course chronolo gically possible, though highly dubious. This date for Aristoboulos is of interest in the light o the beginnings of the Qumran sect of the Essenes which also originated in the second half of the second century B.C. (cf. J. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Harmondsworth 1964, 103 et pass.) Josephus (A. J. XIII, V.9) tells us that the Essenes already existed about the time of Jonatha (160— 147 BC.) 1 Strom. I 22, 410, col. 893 (Migne).

Some time ago, in his study, “La légende de Pythagore de Grèce en Palestine”; Lévy! drew some interesting parallels between Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism: on the one hand, and the Jews, including the New Testament?, on the other: but failed to produce a convincing case? that the Alexandrian Jews in fact knew Pythagoras or mentioned him in their writings or asserted that he had borrowed the main tenets of his philosophy from the Pentateuch. In the following it will be demonstrated not only that the Jews contended that Pythagoras had been inspired by the books of Moses because of the many resemblances between religion and his philosophy, but also that there existed a separate Hellenistic trad! tion linking Pythagoras with Palestine and endowing him with many Jewish traits. The present analysis of the sources will show that Lévy’s basic thesis 15 correct: that the life or legend of Pythagoras (it is immaterial for the purpos® of these arguments whether the Hellenistic biographies are fact or fiction) had extensive influence in Palestine. The main reason for this, overlooked by Lévy» is to be found in the tradition, independent of the Jews and early patristic authors» which associates Pythagoras with Palestine and invested both him and his philosophy with many characteristics which fortuitously also form part of the Jewish religion. This Jewish Pythagoras was so influential in Judaea in the last few cen” turies B.C. and the first century A.D. that, according to Josephus, the Essenes» one of the three principal religious sects of Hellenistic Jewry, consciously adopted the way of life of Pythagoras: . of map’ hutv ’Eooaior xadrobuevor. Yévos de tot’ Earl Stalıy yompevov Ti map "Erima bd Iudayópov xatadederypevys. 1 Paris 1927. Levy’s work has most recently been described by Philip (Pythagoras and Early Pythagoreanism, Toronto 1966, 196, n. 3): “Levy’s studies leave considerations of historical fact on one side and sometimes overstate their thesis, especially in suggesting that Pythagoras is th° prototype of Jesus.” 2 Lévy, op. cit., 295—331. Biggs (The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, Oxford 1886, 242 t0 243) had already written: “If Christ was Son of God, so were Plato, Pythagoras, Apollonius. If Christ wrought signs and wonders, Pythagoras also caused a miraculous draught of fishes and fast ed for forty days ... If Christ taught in parables, so too did Pythagoras. It was Pythagoras wh0 first proclaimed the golden rule ‘thou shalt love thy friend as thyself’, ...” 3 Cf. H. Thesleff, An Introduction to the Pythagorean writings of the Hellenistic Period. Ab? 1961, 49: “Lévy produces no hypothesis that the Jews of Alexandria had used writings ascribed to Pythagoreans; nor does the material collected by him indicate anything of that kind.” 4 AJ. XV 10,4. Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, The Jewish Sect of Qumran and the Essenes, NeW York 1956, 117. The Essenes, of course, have been identified with the Qumran sect the fragment®

Since Josephus himself had been an Essene in his youth5, this statement must € based on a personal knowledge of the Essenes and not some suppositious comParison between Pythagoreanism and Essenism; that is, Josephus must have been aware and was probably told that the founder of the reformed Pythagorean EsSenism, the Teacher of Righteousness®, had knowingly employed (yp@uevov) the Way of life of Pythagoras (Statrn, not diet”) which he must have learnt about from the writings of Hellenistic Jews and of Pythagoreans who have handed down to us the Jewish Pythagoras, the prototype of the Teacher of Righteousness. _ The earliest attested contact between Alexandrian Jewry and Greek philosophy IS the commentary on the Pentateuch of Aristoboulos who flourished in Alexandria in the second half of the second century B.C.8 and dedicated his book to PtoleMy Philometor (181—146 B.C.), but Clement also describes him as being born Under Ptolemy Philadelphos?. He was also (falsely) identified with the AristoOulos of the second book of Maccabees!?. According to Clement, Aristoboulos, ee of whose library were discovered in 1947 near the Dead Sea. Literature on this subject includes Observations such as the following: “The Teacher of Righteousness was, to put it boldly, a kind of Jewish Pythagoras ...” (Dupont-Sommer, op. cit., 162). “The Galilaean Master, as He is presented to us in the writings of the New Testament, appears in many respects as an astonishing rein‚arnation of the Master of Justice.” (A. Dupont-Sommer, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952, 99) There is, therefore, no doubt that in the eyes of the faithful (ie. the Essenes) the crucified Teacher Le. of Righteousness), the ‘exalted man’, was a reincarnation of Joshua, son of Nun, known in the Greek texts as Jesus.” (J. M. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Christian Myth, Newton Abbot 1979, 82) Dupont-Sommer (The Dead Sea Scrolls, op. cit., 8) dates the passion and death °f the Master about April 65—63 B.C. 5 Cf. Josephus, Vita. 2. When he was sixteen he sampled the Essene way of life and later became the disciple of a solitary named Bannus in the Judaean wilderness. This Bannus man have been an Essene. * Dupont-Sommer (The Dead Sea Scrolls, op. cit., 97), discussing the origins of the Qumran Sect of the Essenes; says: ,,Indeed, if the Essenism of the second century B.C., impregnated with Tanian influence, seems to have come to birth in Mesopotamian Jewry, the reform brought about “arly in the first century by the Master of Justice, a reform of Pythagorean inspiration, seems to ave been of Egyptian origin from Alexandria, where the Pythagorean renaissance had its centre.” * Plato (Rep. 600a—b) already speaks of a Pythagorean tpóros, a word with the same meaning as dual. 8 0.C.D., 111, article: Aristobulus. Gercke in the R.E., 919 dates Aristoboulos as not much later than 100 B.C. and is sceptical of his flourishing during the reign of Philometor. Lévy (La légende, Op, cit., 230) rejects the authenticity of Aristoboulos’ fragments, but gives no cogent arguments and arms his own case to boot. % Clemens Alex., Strom. V 15, col. 145 (Migne): ... AptatoBobAw 82 ra xarà Ilroreuatov Yeyovéri (ie, born) zöv DrAddEApOV ... 10 Cf. 2 Macc. 1,10. Gercke points out that this is a Christian forgery (R.E., 919). If AristoOulos indeed flourished in the second half of the second century B.C., this is of course chronolo- Sically possible, though highly dubious. This date for Aristoboulos is of interest in the light of the beginnings of the Qumran sect of the Essenes which also originated in the second half of the Second century B.C. (cf. J. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Harmondsworth 1964, 103 et pass.). Josephus (A. J. XIII, V.9) tells us that the Essenes already existed about the time of Jonathan (160— 147 B.C.). 1 Strom. I 22, 410, col. 893 (Migne).

in the first book of his commentary dedicated to Philometor, stated that Pythagoras borrowed many of his philosophical ideas from Jewish sources: ... xa90% xal ITudayópas mod Tüv map’ Hutv uetevéyuac cic thy Exutod doyyarorattav. The idea behind uerevéyxas here, the usual Hellenistic form of the aorist participle (cf. évéyxag Acts 5,2; and 2 Macc. 7,27), is that of a transfer and appropriation of Jewish thoughts on Pythagoras’ part, not that of an actual translation, for Aristoboulos assumed the existence of a pre-Septuagint Greek translation of the books of Moses! which, according to Aristoboulos, Pythagoras apparently con’ sulted so that the tév map’ hytv naturally refers to the Pentateuch and could be supplemented by voyíuov. Although Aristoboulos does not specify the Jewish dogmas borrowed by Pythagoras, one can supply from other sources a list of possible influences on Pythagoras by the books of Moses, according to Alexandrian Jewry. Hermippos, another Alexandrian who flourished in the third century B.C. and may have been one of Aristoboulos’ sources for his contention that Pythagoras copied Jewish ideas, gives a list of the latter purportedly present in the philosophy of Pythagoras: "Epusrercos &vip meet micav totoptav imperio. Ayer Tolvuv Ev tH zpdtw ta&v Ilept Tludayépav Bıßitov (F.Gr.H. TIT 41, fr. 21) örı Iludayópas évos aùtod tüv cuvovare otGv tehevtTHaavtos robvoua KaAkpüvros tO yévos Kporwvidrou thy éxeivou Wuyi’ Eheye ovvölarpißerv abt xal vóxtop xal mad? Muepav: xal te mapexeArcdeto wh SEP” yeadat témov Ep’ dv vos dxAcoy, xal trav Supiov bdatov aréyec dar xal done drrexeW Baacpnuias. sita mpootidyor pera tata nal rude” «rabra de Expartev xal Eheye 726 Tovdatwy xat Opaxdiv Sdbas utpobuevos xal merapépov els Exvtow. Afyeras yap OS indicó ave éxkeivos oa ray mapa “loudators voutuav eis thy abtod pereveyxet" puocoptav!3. The words in quotation marks are the ipsissima verba of Hermippos whom Josephus is quoting here, the last sentence being an explanation by Josephus. The subject of xapexeAcveto is Pythagoras" so that the three Pythagorean doctrines reported by Hermippos are allegedly original beliefs held by the master wh? borrowed them from the Jews and the Thracians, the latter being omitted in the following discussion. The information that Pythagoras adopted theses doctrines from the Pentateuch (vouiuuv) is an assumption of Josephus who is apparently basing himself on other external sources, perhaps including Aristoboulos. The first thing that strikes the reader of this passage is the verbal similarity between it and the Aristoboulos’ quotation cited above for both Hermippos and 12 Gercke, R.E., 918. 13 Josephus, c. Ap. I 163. I am quoting from M. T. Cardini, Pitagorici. Testimonianze e Fram’ menti, Vol. 1, Florence 1958, 108—110. In a parallel passage derived from Origen, ap. Cardini, op. cit., 110—111, Hermippos states the same thing: Atyeraı Sì xal”Eputnmos &v Ta PATO Ilep! vouoderäv loropnxivar Hludayögav tiv gxutod priogoplav and ’IouSalov ele "Erinvas dyayeiv. The Josephus passage is also to be found in Diels-Kranz, Vor. Vol. 1, 111,1. 18 This is also the interpretation of Cardini, op. cit., 109.

Aristoboulos employ the verb nerap£ow to describe Pythagoras’ borrowings from Jewish thought. If there is any dependence, then it is more likely to be a case of Aristoboulos being influenced by Hermippos than vice versa, although Zeller believed that Hermippos had derived his information from Aristoboulos!5, It is extremely unlikely that Hermippos read the Septuagint and improbable that he took the trouble of investigating obscure Jewish beliefs and practices, so that there remains only the likelihood that he consulted Jewish authors earlier than Aristoboulos who also claimed that Pythagoras had borrowed many of his ideas from the Pentateuch. It is more plausible to argue that Josephus had read Aristoboulos becausein the last line of the above quotation there are two similarities to Aristoboulos: rot and werevsyxeiv!®, indicating that Josephusis paraPhrasing Aristoboulos. Thus one can still argue that Hermipposis basing himself On Alexandrian Jews and can be legitimately employed as a source for reconstructing the Jewish Pythagoras of Aristoboulos and Hellenistic Jewry in general. In any case, in Hermippos we have the first historical evidence of a Pythagoras ‘onsciously imitating the Jews. This Jewish Pythagoras in turn became the model and archetype of later Jewish religious movements such as the Essenes. Of course this Jewish Pythagorasis a complete fiction of Hellenistic Jewry which passed into the satirist Hermippos’ works who probably made good use of Pythagoras’ Jewish Antecedents in his attempt to denigrate the sage!”. The similarities between Pythagoras’ philosophy and the Jewish religion noticed by the Alexandrian Jews Prior to Hermippos were purely fortuitous, but later were the result of a conscious Imitation by the Essenes who took Pythagoras as their model, as JosephusinOrms us. The first case of imitation of Jews on Pythagoras’ part according to Hermip- Posis the prohibition against passing a place upon which an ass has defecated (this ls the obscure meaning, neitherin Cardini nor in L.S.J., of óxA%oy, as shall become “pparent presently). This taboo has all the characteristics of a Pythagorean akousma’, an enigmatic saying often attributed to Pythagoras himself!®, which is consonant with the fact that Hermippos puts these taboos into the mouth of Pythagoras, as was observed above. To these conundrums later generations and vo. 18 Cf. E. Zeller, Hist. Gk. Phil., London 1881, Vol. 1, 330, n. 1: “If even these authors derived their statements from Aristoboulos, it is not certain that Hermippus really expressed himself thus; but supposing he did so, it would only prove that this Alexandrian sage, of the early part Of the second century before Christ, had found the assertion among the Alexandrian Jews, and elieved it; ...” One cannot disagree with the last assertion, albeit Zeller dates Aristoboulos too “arly and Hermippos too late. 16 Josephus is here using the Attic form instead of the Hellenistio kereveyxaı which Aristoboulog would have employed. The Hellenistic languago of Aristoboulos’ fragments of course supPorts their authenticity. 17 For an intelligent discussion of Hermippos the satirist and Pythagoras, cf. I. Lévy, Recher- Ches sur les sources de la légende de Pythagore, Paris 1926, 37-39. 18 Cf. Iamblichus, VP. 82, 47 (Deubner); and for a discussion of further Pythagorean taboos, Cf, M. Marcovich, Pythagorica, Philologus 108, 1964, 29f. 3 Philologus, Bd. 127, H. 1

such commentators as Aristotle!® added rational explanations. However, this particular taboo about the ass does not appear in any of the traditional lists of akousmata bequeathed to us by antiquity. Aelian fortunatedly provides us with an explanation of this Pythagorean aversion to the ass, stating that the Pythagoreans loathed the ass for a number of reasons: firstly, it defecates towards thé east, offending the sun in the process; that it is deaf to harmony; and, finally; perhaps that it is dear to Typhon, the Egyptian god Seth, the evil demon, although this last statement may not in fact be attributed to the Pythagoreans: Aéyouor St of Iudaysperor ixép tod dvov xal Exeïvo (ie. the ass defecates towards the east, according to the Egyptians), uévov todtov rüv Chav wh yeyovévar zart &pwoviav' tabry tor xal pdc tov Hyov tov Tic Abpac elvar xagpdtatov. “On SE abroV rives xal ra Tupavı rpooprï yeyovévar pact??. The first reason alleged by the Pythagoreans for their detestation of the ass, in agreement with the Egyptians, is the ass’s insulting behaviour towards the sun: relieving itself in a easterly direction, the position of sunrise. Now this agrees with Hermippos’ assertion that Pythagoras bade his followers eschew a place on which an ass has voided itself (ie. témov èp dv dvoc èxAdoy), a ban which was supposed to be common to the Jews as well, if Pythagoras is imitating them, as Hermippo* says. Now in the Pentateuch there are no really slighting references to asses save perhaps for the injunction that an ass and a horse should not draw a plough together (Deut. 2,10). However, in Josephus one finds the Essenes practising ® reverence for the sun to such an extent that they carry arounda little hoe to dig a hole for their excreta so that they might not offend the rays of the sun: tato DE Kate huépors Bódpov ópúccovtes Bádos zodtatov tH oxaAlS: (Torodrov yd? ¿ori 70 Sidóuevov In’ adri &EwvtSiov tots veoouoratots) xal meptxcAdipavres Dorudriov Os ph tag abyac bBplCorey tod Heod, Haxevovolv eig aÜTOV, Exetta Tv KvopuydeicaV iv épédnovot eis tov B6Bpovil. Since the ass so impedently defiled the rays of the sun god, the Essenes would have regarded this animal in true Pythagorean fashion with extreme contempt: In any case, the Pythagoreans had an akousma* which forbade urination when turned towards the sun (xpèc %Atov), a phrase that undoubtedly means ‘towards the east’, a common enough Homeric meaning, as LSJ. testifies. So too in the above passage the Essenes dug pits and squatted over them, shrouding themselves in their cloaks?3. Granted that the Qumran sect of the Essenes was in existenc® 19 Aristotle, Fr. Sel. ed. Ross. 134—136 (Frs. 5—7). On akousmata in general, cf. C. Hoelk» De acusmatis sive symbolis Pythagoricis, diss. phil. 1894. 20 Aelian, N.A. X 28. 21 Josephus, B.J. II 8,9. One of these hoes was found in a cave at Qumran, cf. J. Allegro, Th® Dead Sea Scrolls, op. cit., 118. 22 Tamblichus, Protrep., 106,18 (Pistelli): npd¢ AArov tetpappevos ph obper. 2 Lévy, La légende, op. cit., 277 discusses this passage of Josephus and the similarities bet ween the Essenes and the Pythagoreans. Although much work remains to be done on the rele”

in the second century B.C.; and perhaps in Hermippos’ and Aristoboulos’ time the Therapeutae lived on the shores of Lake Maria outside Alexandria, as described by Philo in the De vita contemplativa, the ass may have been despised by Certain elements of Alexandrian Jewry for precisely the same reason as the Pythagoreans, although this Jewish animosity towards the ass did not find expression in the Pentateuch. However, in other sources one finds the ass playing a prominent role in Jewish ‘eligious beliefs and history, perhaps as seen through gentile eyes. For example, Plutarch in the De Iside et Osiride?4 tells us the following story: ol 88 Agyovtes èx Tie udyns (ie. between Horus, Osiris’ son, and Typhon or Seth) en óvov té Tupavı thy puyhy Età huépas yevéodar Hal cwdévta yewyour raidas lepocgAupov yal "lovdatov, adródev clot xatadnror tx ’Toudaixk mapérxovtes eis tov Küdoy, Like Aelian, Plutarch stresses that the ass is a Typhonic animal, a creature of evil; and hence arises its close association with the Jews, insomuch that Tacitus?’ affirms that an image of an ass was erected in the temple at Jerusalem, "evealing that this theme was anti-semitic and no doubt appealed to the satirist ermippos for just that reason. The second of Pythagoras’ injunctions to the shade of Kalliphon, according to Hermippos, concerns the abstention from the drinking of waters causing thirst Buble údétov) or, as Cardini?® renders dıllov, equating it with oyrróv, putrid or Stagnant waters, which in the absence of any discussion by her of the three PythaSorean prohibitions and their relation to Judaism must remain an isolated conlecture, not supported by LSJ. Now in the Pentateuch one finds no reference to a ban on the drinking of such water, either that which causes thirst or the stagnant variety, so that Hermippos must have had some other Jewish tradition mind; perhaps that of the herd of asses showing Moses the way to the spring, 88 narrated by Tacitus: ‘+. Cum grex asinorum agrestium e pastu in rupem nemore opacam concessit. seculus Moyses coniectura herbidi soli largas aquarum venas aperit?. The second prohibition would thus be connected with the first. However, in the Pentateuch, notably at Gen. 26,19, the LXX speaks of údartos Cóvroc, an nn tionship between the Qumran sect and Pythagoras a beginning has been attempted by M. Hadas, ellenistic Culture, 193—199. 4 De Iside et Osiride, 31. Cf. T. Hopfner, Ueber Isis und Osiris, Vol. 2, Darmstadt 1967 (reprint), 143_ 146 for an excellent commentary. Among other things, the ass was indirectly responsible for Moses finding water in the desert cf. Tacitus, Hist. V 3, 10f. An alternative ancestry for the ews, Juda and Idumaea, is traced by Alexander Polyhistor, ap. Jacoby, F Gr Hist Vol. 3a,122—3, ack to Semiramis, queen of Babylon. 5 Hist. V 4, 4—5. * Cardini, op. cit., 110. 7 Hist. V 3, 12-14.

epithet of ten applied to spring-water; and this term Cav may be being contrasted by Hermippos with dubtwv in the sense of onrrüv. It is also interesting to notice in this context that Jesus at the well with the Samaritan woman mentions 0$@P Cav and says of Jacob’s well-water: Tlác è rivav &x tot daros robrou Subhoe ré Atv28, The third of Pythagoras’ admonitions to Kalliphon's revenant, according t0 Hermippos, is more straightforward and has a parallel in the decalogue: où Ann mò évoua xuplov tod Heod cov xt paraba ... (Deut. 5,11) This injunction against blasphemy is similar to Pythagoras’, which other sources also mention??, Admittedly, then, the only real parallel between the three commandments of Pythagoras and the Pentateuch lies in this third one, but Hermippos with the other two. may have been referring to sectarian Jewish thought or may simply have been satirising the Jews with anti-semitic propagands. | In a broader context Aristoboulos’ and Hermippos’ contention that Pythagoras had borrowed from the Jews, especially the Pentateuch, may have been founded on other similarities between the rules of Pythagoras and the commandments of Moses. Take, for example, the Mosaic ban on eating carcasses in general and those of forbidden, unclean animals: r&v Yyncıuaiov où payeode (Deut. 14,21). Now this obviously sounds like Pythagoras’ dietary regulation against the eating of dead animals, dead by natural causes and not slaughtered, as reported by Aristotle®®: ... xat dréyeodar Bpwröv Svycedlwv re xpeéiv... Another similarity between the books of Moses and Pythagoras, as cited by Clement of Alexandria» may also be ultimately derived from Aristoboulos. Clement?! claims that Pythagoras borrowed his gentle attitude towards animals from the law of Moses, quoting a paraphrase of Deuteronomy and Leviîticus®. Similarly, since circumcisioN was an integral part of the Mosaic law (cf. Gen. 17,10), one also finds stories in the legend of Pythagoras narrating that the sage was circumcised, not by the Jews, it is true, but by the Egyptian priests who initiated him into their occult rites: ... xaddrep xald IMudayipas adrots ye toutots (ie. Aiyurrioic) dt obs xal repretéueto; tva dh nat cig Td Kur xareldov, THY nuoruchv map’ Alyurtiov éxucdor prdocoplay 33 28 John, 4,13. 22 Cf. Aristotle, Fr. Sel. ed. Ross, 134, Fr. 5: ... deoig del wer’ edpnulas ... Tamblichus, VP. 55; 30 (Deubner): ... xarà révra tov Blov aurds te ebpnueïv ... ibid. 149, 84 (Deubner): &ypfro Se xa edonula pds tobs xpelrrovac ... cf. also lamb., VP. 100, 57—58 (Deubner), this last passage having also an interesting parallel with the Mosaic commandment concerning honouring one’s parents. | 30 Aristotle, Fr. Sel. ed. Ross, 130, Fr. 5. 31 Clem. Alex., Strom. II 18, col. 1032 (Migne). For Pythagoras’ gentle attitude to animals cf. Iamblichus, VP. 99, a passage ultimately derived from Aristoxenus, cf. Rohde, Kleine Schriften, II, 142. 32 Cf. Deut. 14,21; 22,6 & 7; Lev. 2,2,27—8 et pass. 33 Strom. I 15, col. 768 (Migne); cf. also Theodoretus, P.G. 83, col. 793; and Lucian, Somn. 18: ed. Macleod, Vol. 1, Oxford 1972, 264.

Of course, circumcision was a common custom among the Egyptians, not only the priests, but even the pharaoh*4. Clement here does not name his sources, but Since he alludes elsewhere to mainly Hellenistic authors such as Neanthes, Aristo- Xenus, Didymos, and Theopompos on the Pythagoras’ legend35, one can be fairly Certain that it was an author earlier than Antonius Diogenes, the chief authority for Porphyry’s account of Pythagoras’ journey to Egypt**. Aristoboulos and other ellenistic Jews may have read about this circumcision in Neanthes or Aristo- Xenus and decided that Pythagoras was indeed an honorary Jew. Moreover, Pythagoras was not only known as a borrower from the Mosaic law to both Alexandrian Jews and Greeks of the pre-Christian era, but also as a Native of Syria who had sojourned in Phoenicia and lived the life of an anchorite and prophet, like Elijah, atop Mt. Carmel in Palestine so that once again the Ssenes who took him for their model would have been pleased to discover a Pythagoras who was not only a Samian or Etruscan, but also a Phoenician who had dwelt amongst them in the promised land. This element in the Pythagoras’ legend tomes to the fore in the works of Neanthes of Kyzikos, writing in the third century B.C., who stated that Pythagoras’ father, Mnesarchos, was by birth a Syrian from the Phoenician coastal town of Tyre*’. Mnesarchos became an honorary citizen Of Samos after he had replenished the starving island with corn during a famine. Later Mnesarchos took Pythagoras back to Tyre where he was put to school With the Chaldaeans®®. Likewise, in Iamblichus’®® narrative of the events of Pythagoras’ early life the levant figures prominently for it is in Sidon, the PhoeniClan city, that Parthenis, now dubbed Pythais, mother of the sage, is delivered Of the wondrous child foretold by the Delphian oracle. Later, when Pythagoras Visits Sidon during his early travels, he remembers that it is his native land by Nature (... dkémAcucev els thy Liddva, pÜoer te abtod marplda ...). mme 34 The mummies of pharaohs were circumcised, cf. O. Neubert, The Valley of the Kings, London 1957, 241. 95 Strom. I 15. 6 Porphyry, VP. 10—19, attributed to Antonius Diogenes, who also has Pythagoras associate With the Hebrews, VP. 11, by Rohde, op. cit., 115. Diogenes Laertius (VIII 3) cites Antiphon for Pythagoras’ Egyptian journey, but already Isocrates, Bus. 28 had alluded to Pythagoras’ asso“lation with the Egyptian priests. Thero is no need to accept Philip’s sceptical view of Isocrates’ testimony: “Isocrates later (12,33) practically concedes that this (ie. Pythagoras’ sojourn in Egypt) 18 invention, but if it was intended as fiction it was accepted as fact.’ (Pythagoras and Early Pythagoreanism, op. cit., 190). Actually, Isocrates at 12,33 does not mention Pythagoras or his Journey to Egypt; and the passage coming so long after tho discussion of Pythagoras obviously does not refer to it. According to Philon of Alexandria (cf. De spec. leg., 2—3, Vol. 5, Cohn) there were four main reasons why the Egyptian priests practised circumcision; and Philon asso- Clates the practice with Platonism and perhaps even Pythagoras. Herodotus (IL 36) informs us that all male Egyptians are circumcised, for cleanliness’ sake (37). 37 Porphyry, VP. 1: ... NedvOnc à èv ra réurro ray uudırav (Ilvdayopıxav, according to Jacoby, F Gr Hist, Vol. IIa, Berlin 1926, 197) Zôpov èx Tupov tic Zuplac. 88 Porphyry, VP. 1; cf. comments of Lovy, La legende, op. cit., 6, n. 7. °° Tamblichus, VP. 7—13, 7—10 (Deubner).

It is extremely difficult to pinpoint the source for these references to Sidon, Phoenicia, and Palestine which play such a large role in Iamblichus’ version of Pythagoras’ birth, childhood, and journies. Communis opinio has it that Iamblichus is here basing himself on the biography of Pythagoras allegedly composed by Apollonius of Tyana in the first century A.D.*. At this stage it matters little about the ultimate source because the important thing remains that Hellenistic traditions associated Pythagoras very closely with the Levant and Palestine in particular for not only was he born in Sidon of a Tyrian father, according to Neanthes and Iamblichus’ source which may after all be Neanthes*!, at least for those details connecting him with Syria and Palestine; but also Pythagoras received his early education among the Syrian sages, the Chaldaeans*?, and later visited the coastal cities of Tyre, Byblos, and Sidon in order to be initiated into the Phoenician religious mysteries%, Tamblichus in a curious passage“ then has his hero live the life of a monk atop the Galilaean mountain Carmel, chiefly in the sacred place (izpóv)*5 which, we learn 19 Lévy, La légende, op. cit., 5ff.; Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft, Nurnberg 1962, 88, both accept Apollonius of Tyana as Iamblichus’ source. According to Rohde (op. cit., 127), sections 2—24 of Iamblichus belong to Apollonius. This is based on the fact that Porphyry cites 4 certain Apollonius as his source for the name of Pythagoras’ mother Pythais (VP. 2), a descendant of Ancacus, a story also to be found in lamblichus (VP. 3—4). Usually, however, Porphyry refers to Apollonius of Tyana with the epithet Tuaveús (cf. De abst. III 3), and Nauck himself does not equate the Apollonius of Porphyry’s life of Pythagoras with the Tyanaean (cf. Nauck’s index to the Opuscula Selecta, 127). Of course, neither Iamblichus nor Porphyry in their lives of Pythagoras specify that the Apollonius to whom they are referring is the Tyanaean. Likewise, J. Carcopino (La basilique pythagoricienne, Paris 1927, 168) attributes the first seven sections of Iamblichus’ biography to Apollonius Tyrius, the Hellenistic author of a pinax of Stoic philosophers and works who may well have written on Pythagoras as well; while Kothe, Delatte, Rostagni, and Bertermann, (ap. K. von Fritz, Pythagorean Politics in Southern Italy, New York 1940, 47) assign Iamblichus, VP. 11—19 to Timaeus. According to the Suda (ed. Bernhardy, Vol. 1, 623—624), whose only authority for Apollonius is the late biography of Philostratus, Apollonius of Tyana composed a Ilu9ayópov Bloc, but this may be mere guesswork based on the extensive references to Pythagoras and his philosophy in the biography by Philostratus. Moreover, in the only sections in Iamblichus attributed to an Apollonius by name (VP. 254—264) one encounters such gross Hellenistic forms as cuvaynoydoww (254) or edpacdat (255), whereas Philostratus informs us that Apollonius of Tyana spoke pure Attic (cf. Vit. Apoll. 17); and VP. 257 with its rpoctrov, referring to Apollonius, not Iamblichus, shows that the latter is quoting this Apollonius verbatim and not paraphrasing him so that the Hellenistic forms are not due to Iamblichus. 41 Neanthes is quoted by Iamblichus in section 189. 42 Porphyry, VP. 1. The Chaldaeans, according to Iamblichus (De comm. math. sc., 21) were the mathematiciens of the Syrians. 43 VP. 13—14. #4 VP. 44. 45 Ibid. If the word means ‘temple’, then the source was unfamiliar with Palestine and its traditions for there was only an altar on Carmel, cf. Tacitus, Hist. II 78: Est Iudaeam inter Suriamque Carmelus: ita vocant montem deumque. Nec simulacrum deo aut templum (sic tradidere maïores) ara tantum et reverentia.

from other sources*®, was sacred to the deity called Carmelus. After Pythagor as’ education at the hands of Thales, Iamblichus describes the sojourn on Carmel leading to his visit to Egypt: ‘++ StezopOucb9y AueAAmrt bd tivo Alyuntiov nopSuéev XALPLÓTATO mpocoputocy- Fay Tote nd Kapundov td Dowixtxov dpos alyiadoîc, Evda gudvale ta orig è Tuda- Yopas xatà vd tepdv ... There are two striking elements in this passage which are useful for determining Y source for Iamblichus’ narrative at this point. Firstly, there is the epithet Pouwxtxév for Carmel, which implies that the mountain is not in Palestine; and Secondly, there is the word tepóv, possibly meaning “holy place’, not ‘temple’, if lamblichus’ source had a precise knowledge of Carmel for we know that there Was no temple atop Carmel, neither in Pythagoras’ nor Apollonius of Tyana’s (if he in fact is behind the words of Iamblichus) nor in Iamblichus’ time, but only an altar, the site of the oracle of the god Carmelus. The designation of Carmel as eing ‘Phoenician’ could not come from Iamblichus because in his day the border etween Phoenicia and Palestine was to the north of Carmel which to all intents and purposes was part of Palestine and more particularly, of Galilee, especially N the first century A.D., although for a brief period Carmel was under the suzerUnty of Tyre”. Both the imprecision of the epithet ‘Phoenician’ and the vagueNess or even erroneousness of the term fepdv indicate that the source was not very familiar with the geography of Palestine and Syria and could very well prove that à Hellenistic author like Neanthes is here being used by Iamblichus who was Imself a Syrian and so quite familiar with the local topography. It seems incon- Ceivable that Apollonius of Tyana, to judge from the anti-semitic tenour of his attitude toward the Jews*8, who would moreover not even enter Judaea because he considered it polluted by the inhabitants, should have his hero Pythagoras (Ve on top of a Jewish mountain, the site of one of the most important events in Jewish history, the slaying of the prophets of Baal by Elijah (I Kings 18,40f.; LXx, Regn. III? 18,40f.) who had assembled them on ¿gos 76 KapunAtov (Regn. II 18,19). In fact, Pythagoras’ life as an anchorite on Carmel recalls Elijah’s Vigil on the mountain waiting for a sign from the sea (Regn. III 18,42f.), although Ib is obvious that Iamblichus’ source is not copying the Septuagint. Moreover, Elijah behaves on the mountain much as Pythagoras would have, commanding _— 16 Cf. Suetonius, Vesp.5,6; Tacitus, Hist. II 78; Dio LXVI 1; Skylax, Periplus, 42. and the an ments of Mooney, C. Suetoni Tranquilli De Vita Caesarum, New York, London, Toronto 1930, 0. * Josephus, B.J. III 3,1. *8 Vit. Apoll. V 27, where Philostratus describes Apollonius’ detestation of the Jews who were, According to him, polluting Palestine. Cf. also V 33. * It is not impossible that the transfiguration of Jesus, according to the Gospels, took place on Carmel (cf. Matt. 17, 1ff.) for Jesus was at Tyre just before this incident is recorded by the Synop‘es. Elijah, of course, appeared alongside Jesus during the transfiguration.

the slave to turn seven times® before the miraculous cloud of rain came. If, as seems likely, this story of Pythagoras alone on Mt. Carmel was current in Alexandria in Hellenistic times, then the Jews would once again have found a reason for taking Pythagoras as a model for he had acted very much like Elijah on thé sacred mountain®!, Iamblichus’ source goes on to give a novel twist to Pythagoras sojourn on Carmel by having the Egyptian sailors take him for the incarnaté deity Carmelus himself**. In some respects too the author of this incident possesses accurate geographical knowledge for the beach mentioned at Iamblichus, VP. 14 (... cote ind Képpndov Tb Dowinixdy dpos abytaAote ...) is obviously the gulf of Haifa®3. This was not the only occasion on which Pythagoras was associated with 2 Jewish prophet for, according to Clement of Alexandria, Pythagoras’ Assyrian teacher Nazaratus was identified by some commentators as the prophet Ezekiel: ”ArtEavöpog de év tH Ilept Hudayopızav cupfórwv Nalapkra ra *Acouplo nadmredcat tatopet tov Iludayópav (leCexthA todtov Myobvrat tiveg, 00% Eorı de, me Ererte ONAWPNOETAL ... We do not know who the rives are, but considering Clement’s relatively early date in the history of Christian literature it is not unreasonable to suggest that Alexandrian Jews as well as Christians identified the Nazaratus with Ezekiel. 60 Seven, of course, was sacred to Pythagoras, cf. Apuleius, Met. XI 2. 51 Lévy, La légende. op. cit., 302, compares Pythagoras’ vigil atop Carmel with Christ’s solitary prayer in the desert. 52 Tamblichus, VP. 16, 11 (Deubner). 53 Cf. W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, Vol. 1, London 1890, 321. 54' Strom. I 15, ap. C. Mueller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Vol. 3, 239. Bidez and Cumont (Les mages hellénisés, Vol. 2, Paris 1928, 36) amend Natapato to Zap&to, in their belief that Zoroaster is meant, but this is mistaken, as shall be demonstrated above. Moreover, I believe that the original reading in Clement here was Notapaly not Nafapdro the tau having been substituted for the iota by mediaeval scribes on the analogy of Zaratos. I have quoted Mueller’s text above because Jacoby in his F Gr Hist Vol. 3a, Fr. 94, 118 follows Bidez and Cumont, reading Zapétw. Jacoby (F Gr Hist Vol. 3, Komm., 296) thinks that the identification of Zaratas with Ezekiel is due solely to Clement of Alexandria (but why the rives; and why does Clement repudiate the identification?). Likewise, Jacoby (ibid., commenting on Fr. 79 of Polyhistor’s) believes that Pythagoras living under a successor of Sennacherib is derived front Eusebios, not from Berosos, Polyhistor’s source (cf. also W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 111, n. 6) although Jacoby has not taken into account Polyhistor’s use (Fr. 94) of the term ‘Assyrian’ as applied to Nazaraios (’Acovelw) which literally means a member of the race ruled by Sennacherib and his successors. The most telling objecting to Eusebios being behind this association of Pythagoras with the Assyrian kings in the seventh century B.C. is the fact that elsewhere in his Chronicle (P.L. 19, col. 467 and col. 471) Eusebios places Pythagoras’ acme in th® sixty second Olympiad (c. 540 B.C.), the traditional date of Aristoxenus, Pythagoras’ death occurring in the seventy first Olympiad (493 B.C.; while, according to Apollodoros, Pythagoras died in the seventieth Olympiad, cf. Jacoby, Apollodors Chronik, 218). If he had really believed that Pythagoras lived in the seventh century, why did he give his floruit as the sixty second Olympiad? Therefore, it seems likely that Alexander to Polyhistor, ap. Eusebios, supports the notion that Nazaraios was an Assyrian, not a sixth century Persian, Zaratos.

The reason for this is fairly obvious: the form of the name Nazaratus sounds like the Chaldee-Hebrew ‘nazir’55 [ninq), a verb meaning to withdraw from Society, like a prophet or anchorite; and it is infact used to refer to ascetic solitaries with the usual unkempt appearance called Nazirites (177). The word ater became known to Christians in the form Natwpatog or Natxpnvòc, the Ormer being interpreted as meaning both Nazarene and Nazarite**, both being epithets of Jesus Christ. It has been assumed that the Nazaratus referred to by Alexander Polyhistor is Zoroaster or Zaratus, the prefix ‘Na-’ being either an interPolation or scribal error; but this is impossible for a number of reasons, the most Cogent of which chronological considerations. Alexander Polyhistor had a very Cccentric view of Pythagoras’ chronology and placed him in the middle of the Seventh century B.C. to coincide with the acme of the Assyrian empire and peraps even to enable him to visit Rome under the kings and become the teacher of Numa'”; thus Nazaratus is literally an Assyrian and has nothing to do with the much later Persians and Zoroaster. According to Eusebius®®, Pythagoras flourished in the reign of Sennacherib (705—681 B.C.) and of his son (Nergilus), 48 stated by Alexander Polyhistor: et post haec omnia denuo res quasdam et facta Senecheribi (705—681) Polyhistor refert ; eque eius filio ... atque Pythagoram sapientem eodem tempore sub its fuisse avunt. According, to Alexander, Pythagoras was among the mercenaries collected by ergilus (qui ... primus mercenarios milites auxilio sibi collegit, quorum unus PYthagoras erat, Chaldaeorum sapientiae discipulus.)®. It is fairly obvious then that Polyhistor had some obscure Chaldaean sage (hence the reference to Chaldaeorum sapientiae discipulus) in mind under the name of Nazaratus and not Zoroaster or Zaratus whom other writers on Pythagoras dated after Cyrus’ destruction of the Chaldaean empire so that Zaratus or Zoroaster can live at Babylon, now a ersian city®. In any case, Polyhistor associates the Assyrians very cosely with the __—— 3 Sampson is termed a vattpaiov at Jud. 13,5 in the LXX. Likewise the son Manoe will not drink wine or eat impure food (cf. Jud. 13,14), both Pythagorean traits. For the Hebrew mean"gs of ‘nazir’ cf. the Oxford Hebrew-Chaldeo Lexicon, DXLII. 56 Cf. A Greck Patristic Lexicon, Oxford 1961, 897. 5 Cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, II, LIX; Ovid, Met. XV 479; and Cicero, De rep. II 15,28. $8 Euseb., Chron. 1 29,10 ap. F. Jacoby, Apollodors Chronik, New York 1973, 226. To this hronology also belongs Epiphanius’ statement that Pythagoras died in Media (P.G. 41, col. 205): Uta (sc. Tudayópac) Sè téAct0g dv TH Mnôle tov Blovxaraorpéoe. According to Oehler (ap. A. Delatte, Ssai sur la politique pythagoricienne, Litge—Paris 1922, 234), the reading év 7 MnSta comes Tom a faulty reading by a translator from the Latin text which had ‘inedia’, Pythagoras’ traditional mode of suicide, according to Satyros. However, it may be straining credulity to suggest that Epiphanios read a Greek translation of an original Latin source. It is easier to suppose that 8 had access to a selection from Polyhistor in Greek. 5 Euseb., Chron. I 35,22, ap. F. Jacoby, Apollodors Chronik, 226; cf. also F. Jacoby, F Gr Ist, Vol. IIIa, Leiden 1940, 112. $0 Cf. Theol. Ar., 56 (De Falco) ap. Cumont-Bidez, op. cit., 283. Zoroaster and Ostanes are here both termed ‘Babylonians’.

Hebrews! so that it is not surprising that some Greeks before Clement equated this Nazaratus with Ezekiel. Of course, this is quite impossible on chronological and other grounds, even if one were to accept the statement by the author of Ezekiel that he had his visions in 592 B.C.2. However, it is not strange that certain identified Ezekiel with the Nazirite Nazaratus because in the book of Ezekiel one meets with prescriptions for the ‘sons of Zadok’ (the Qumran sect of the Essenes also termed themselves this)®, the Jerusalem priesthood, which sound Pythagorean: the wearing of linen garments, not wool*!; the abstention from wine®; while the sons of Zadok are not allowed to eat any Ivnoıuatov (LXX, Ez. 44,31). Thus there existed in antiquity among the Jews of Alexandria a specifically Jewish Pythagoras who had borrowed many of his teachings from the Pentateuch. This fiction was nourished not only by the fortuitous similarities between thé doctrines of the Pythagorean school and the Hebrew religion, but also by an independent historical tradition, notably associated with Neanthes, which linked Pythagoras closely with Syria and Palestine. This tradition only served to bolster the conviction of the Hellenistic Jews that Pythagoras was virtually one of themselves. Owing to the work of Lévy, Dupont-Sommer and others, the evidence that the Essene sect at Qumran was basically Pythagorean, as stated by Josephus; becomes at once more impressive if this Jewish Pythagoras of Aristoboulos Hermippos, and Neanthes is taken into consideration. However, the purpose of this account has been merely to demonstrate the bulk of testimony concerning this Jewish Pythagoras who was according to Lévy, to influence the course of history profoundly, even Lévy failed to give us an outline of Pythagoras of Palestine as found in Hellenistic Jewish and Greek authors. 59 Rennison St. Parkdale 3195 / Australia 61 F. Jacoby, F Gr Hist, Vol. IIIa, 112. & R. H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament, London 1953, 519. Ezekiel has been dated in the Maccabaean period (164—163) by Seinecke, ap. Pfeiffer, 519, which accords with the pos sible influence of the Essenes on the work. 63 J. M. Allegro, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 104. 64 Ez, 44,17; cf. Herod. II 81 on linen garments and the Pythagorean ban on wool. 6 Ez, 44,21; dowla was practised by the Pythagoreans, cf. Iamb., VP. 69. 66 I. Lévy, Recherches sur les sources de la légende de Pythagore, Paris 1926, 149.