The symbolic and religious uses of the monochord

DALE ADKıns,C- Chepter VIIT I OVS SES CU TUE POTCCHORD ALL The exnleyment of the monochord for symbolic and religious purposes is encountered net infrequently throughout its veriod of sreetest use (up to about 1700). In | its role as a symbolic device the moncchord is only a part of a wicesprecd utilization ef music to renresent or exnlain the intanzible esvects of Mants envircment. Two of the intangible asnects of the environment that were exrlainel by means of music are the nsy;chology cfPa) behavior, and Cisecse. The Greeks, in attemnting to undlerstani and exnlain human bahavior, develonedc theories of the emcticnal and moral irfiuence of the mcdes. In later eras a siniler influence of music was also thought to be particulerly efficacious in the treatment anc cure of disease. Both of these applications survived the Creek and medieval eres, sc that one sees the sunposed emoticnal connotations cf the modes culminating in the doctrine of affecticns in the eishteenth century. Tne exployrent of music to treet Gisease still survives in music therany. R that was frequently explained tirouch music was the universe. Trusic was use Fu x A third intancible in this instance not necesszrily te explain the workings of

te relate tre universe that wes alrescv uncerstecd: te sonethins LS + univers: se much ac 4 such e relation could be The efention ef music es a war to exzlain the nainown eririnstei in the nurber symbolisms cP corcans, In the ecrly Christien Church, ühe mrber Pythasymbolisn, an. consecuentiy musienl sy..belicem, vas used to represent the perfection or unity thet existed in Ged. monechord, as an esrpect of The symbolic this nunber symbolism, vas Geveloneéd in the leter Viddle Aces as a simnle means of 5} music, ef man's enviroment the unity, threush shoving Men's environment was always renres.nte® unon the monceïrcre by planetaiy syrbols snd the unity the sinrle strinzt. u +] re wae el 2 . + 5 ty ct n a M ? ct 5 53 \H In sars rerresentations (Plate 55) Got, presenting Tran tne clouds, was shown et the hand c ct a of God by Terture was aceed'to insure that everyone would rececnize tie unifyiny power of God exSreserd in the single siphac. this Crovins, wien cre The plonetary sribols tn of Greg: orlcin, 2re a manifesteation of Pythrsorean number sysbelism br the har:ony of Lie sineres; tre expression of the unite of Get is Mike- “ice a result of Fyhhecorsan muibor svubolien, mmiifisd AS NAG aRy AND PRINT TWAS MOCRO

Plete 33. A symbolic illustration of the monochord.l mn pee à aen nn een

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Elements of Pythagorean Symboli The originality of the Pythasoreans came fron the develorment of two fundamental principles: the decad, which contained all numbers and therefore all thinzs; and the seonetric conception of mathematics. Tne Pythagoreans observed that all their surroundinzs were based on nunerical relationships. They found number mtterns in such diverse elements as the growt of plants and animals, the daily movement of the sun and the changes cf the seasons, musicel intervals, and the relationships of the Fran these planets. they derived täsir interpretation of the cosmos anû a connection between number and being. music to rerresent many of nartly because The use of these observations came about, of the general knowledce cf music, and partly because it apvealed to the senses of sicht and hearing as well as provicing stimulus to the mind. tionsntino of muste to the nunbers ef The relathe decad has been mentioned earlier in this study in the discussions cf Pythagorean tuning. the Its connection with the universe cam about through its numerical similarity to the Tytnagorsan conception of sec:ctrical mathematical relaticnships. Ey means of the philoscphicnl avnlication of tne decad and the geonetrical concenticn of mathematics, tne Pythasoreans

and tieir successora develened tic Internretations cr the universe. Tas earliest cf these, mself, said to have originated is ronresente by the harzony of the spheres and may be said to ba the more popular, crete expression cf the universe. The conother interpretation, best represented by the universe of Flato's Timaeus, is a more abstrect expression of the Pythagorean philosophies. Tre Hamıony of A the Spheres The harmony of the spheres, the more popular representation of the Pythasorean universe, is mentioned by many writers alter Plato, appesring most prominently in the works of the neo-Pythagorean and neo-Platonic writers. One cf its earliest detractors was Aristotle, who, in the treatise De caclo, laughingly derlded the hamnony of the svaeres as "Harmony, Heavenly He mony ."? of course, Aristotle vas, not overly syupa the the with the Pythagoreans; besides ridiculing their concent of celestial music, he also criticized their fundamental teachings. In his conciusion on the relationships cf nunbers and things in tne Fetarhysics he wrote: 2. Henry G. Farmer, iMstovrical Facts fer the Arabian Tnfluence (Zonion: w. Reeves, 1950), 107.

Many troubles witch these men have with the reneration of maibers and their inability to bring then tosether in any coherent way soems to inticate that matnematical entities are net senarate ron sensible things, as core woule neve them to be, and that they are not the first principles. Aristotle's comments were often cited by writers of the iiegcle Ages as Goed reascns for not believing in the On the otner hend, favorable references to the le theory wore made by Aristotle's contemporary, Plato, who used the narzony of the scheres as part of a representaticn of the universe in his "Myth of Er." Cicero, in the second + century, 3.0., also relied heavily on the idea of heavenly music in the Dream of Scipio, than Plate had. deseribing it more in detail In one passage, when Scipio asked: "What is this great and pleasinz sound that fills my ears?," ‘he was answered: "That is a concord of tones separated by unecual but nevertheless caverully proportioned intervals, caused by the rarid motion cf the svheres thenselves."* Cicerc's comment 2ocut the "unegusl but nevertheless carefully vrenertionsd tnterveals," is indicative of the 5. Aristotle, fristetlets Metaphysics, A. l'acrobius, Commentary on (New Yorks tr. by Richard Hone Colirnbin University Press, 1952), 318. the Dream of Scipio, Willtam 3. Stahl (Sew York: tr. by Columbia University Fress,

direction taken by the writers of the early Christian era, in whose works the discussion of the harmony of the spheres usually centered around the intervals produced by the planets rather than the symbolic aspects of the From the works of the neo-Pythagoreans Nicomachus, theory. | | Facrobius, Pliny, end Porphyry, Sir Thomas Stanley collected the following quaint account of the harmony of the spheres. The names of sounds in all probability were derived from the seven stars which move circularly in the heavens and compass the earth. The circwı-agitation of these bodies must of necessity cause a sound; for air being struck, from the intervention of the blow, sends fortha noise. Nature herself constraining that the violent collision of twc bodies should end in sound. Now, say the Pythagoreans, all bodies which are carried round with noise, one yielöing and gently receding from the other, must necessarily cause sounds different from each otner, in the magnitude and swiftness of voice and in plece, which are either more fluctuating, or, on the contrary, more reluctant. macnitude, But these three differences of celerity and local distance, are manifestly existent in the planets, which are constantly witı scund, circum-egitated throush the aetherial diffusion. .. . Moroover the sound which is made by striling the air, induceth Into the ear something sweet and musical, or harsh and discordant; for if @ certain observation of numbers moderated the blow, it effects a harmony consonant to itself; but if it be tenerarious, not soverned by measures, there proceeds a troubled unpleasant noise, which offends the ear. Low in heaven nothing is

produced casually, notiing toricrarinous; all things there proceed according to divine rules anc settled .roportion; whence irrefragably is inferred, that sounds which proceed [rem the conversion of the celestial snhcres are musical. Tor sound necessarily nroceeds fron moticn, end the proportion which is in ell divine ting‚s causeth the harmony ef this sound. This Pythacoras, first of all the Creexs, conceived in his mind; and understood that the spheres sounded something concordant, because of the necessity cf proportion, weich never forsakes celestial beings. The Fythasoreans thoucht that the musicel interval formed by the Earth end the Moon was that of a tone; Moon and Mercury, a semitone; l'ercury and Venus, a semitone; Venus and Sun, a minor third; Sun and Mars, a tone; Mars and Jupiter, e semitone; Jupiter end Seturn, 2 semitone; Saturnani the sphore of fixed stars (or the Suprene Neaven), a minor third. isC D E-flat E G The resulting Pythecorean scale A B-flat B D, althoush accounts given by different writers vary somewhat. tne scale nassed on by Censcrinus has a ton instead of a minor third.)° (For example, semitone at the These pseudo-scientific accounts of une neo-Pythecoreans provided the basis of the erriy medieval concertion cf the harmony of the spheres. 5. SirThomas Stanley, History of Phi losorhy (1701), S25 - 536, reprinted in Sir denn Tawkins, À General Hist ory of tre Science and Practice of wusie, e&., © vols. (Loncon: 6. “Novello, 1853), T, Hawkins, op. cit., I, 65.

When this was combined with the number symbolism of the early Christian church it appears that, for at least several centuries, it was generally believed that the planets actually did make music -- music that was, however, inaudible. According to tradition, Pythagoras alone had the gift of actually hearing the music of the spheres. Ordinary mortals lecked this gift, either because they were, from the moment of birth, unknowingly but constantly bathed in the celestial humming; or because -- as Lorenzo explains in the Merchant of Venice -- they were too grossly constituted: . + « soft stillness and the night Becane the touches of sweet harmony... Loox how the floor of heaven is thick inlaid with patines of bricht gold; There's not the suallest orb which thou behold'st Bat in his motion like an angel sings... Such harmony is in immortal souls; But, wailst this muddy vesture of decay 7 Doth grossly close it in, we cannot hear it. The literature of the Renaissance is rich in references both to the harmony of the spheres and to the reasons for ite inaudibility. These reasons, based on centuries of Pythagorean tradition, appear even in the musical treatises of this era. 7. For instance, Wolfgang Figulus (1565) Williem Shakespeare, The Merchant of Venice (London, 1600), new edition (New York: French, 1860), Act V, Scene I.

attributes beth the invention of music and the discovery tie harmony ct the spneres to Pychasoras, conenting that the cosmic music "ts inandible by men on account of the custan of neglect." In addition te references to spneres in literary sources, tne harmon; of the the basic concepts cf the Pythasorean nimser thecries are evident in all areas of medieval and nenaissante endeavor, resulting in applicstiens that at se N ct es m to center around tho following idee. fmong many tensts of the Pythacorcans, one was that there is a goneral and universal concent or harnony in the parts of the universe, an! that tre arineiples of wusic rervece the inole material world; for which reason they say that the whele world 13 enharmonic. And in cemvarison they assert that these proporticns into which the corsonances in music are resolvable, 2re also to be found in those material ferms, 3 waich from the symmetry of their s exc excite pleasure in the beholder. fot ais ~rinci ple is in nothing so the works cf the architects in which the proportions of the diapason, of 3:2, or ‚ C° sesquitertia, are per: a conparison between tude cf whole cr con: s perticos, pediments, Ss, vestibule and apertures of all kines, every resuler eaifice.? S 8 o Welf-enc Ficulus, De musice practica (Noribergae: lonteni, 1555), a2.

ach nos of Greeks, made available through Latin translations cf early Renaissance. the 7 pe thoucht, an influence that ceme fram the on fcnaissance 5 that the Pythaccrean symbolisms exerteâ 5 ence [en Hawkäns!s comments are but a synopsis of the creat influthe Thrcughcut this era, as in the Greek period, these symboliens were most frequently anplied to music. Before Plato's cenception of the universe is dealt with, a cross-section of writers reflecting the Renaissance concept cf musical and numerical relationships will be - cited. Robert of York, in kis Correctoriw: alchimee (1248), suscested that both the elements with vhich the alchemist worked ang the projecting rays of the planets, wnich the astrologer believed cominated the lives of ren, ; misht be arranged eccorcing to musicel proncrtion. 10 These same ideas were still bein: re-Ciscovered a hundred years later, undoubtedly owing to the renewed interest in classical studies. In 1450 the architect Alberti wrote: "ie shall therefcre borrow all our rules from tre musicians, who are the createst masters cf this sort of numbers." 10. Di ECcussed in Lynn T ew Yorks Wecmillen, 3 ( lev 11. Leone Alberti, Ten Eccks on Areni tec ture History of Macic, 8 vols. 25), “TIT, 114. ay > Leone Tertcli ene - wottists Alterti Grensiatea into Italian By cosine Tei Arc lish oy vaner ArchTiect 11755 ), €Su. by 7 2 TTrerti, 19 553, 197. Leoni, CO COSEDL Rykwert Vene (Londo

A reference te the use cf musical sronertions to construct visually attractive structwes thrcughcut the Renaissance is made by the architect Falladio, who, tura ci Ancree in his L'architet- Pallecio divisa in quattro libri (1562) stated that music vroviced the foundations of an artistts sanetimes referred to the idea cf the harmony rnilesorher, Marsilio Ficino, a mid-fifteenth-century training. cf the spheres in order to symbolize the supra-physical crigins of music, in relation to which he wrote, "Through the ears the soul perceives certain sweet harmonies and rhrtims, and tkrouch these images it is exhorted and excited to consider divine music witha more ardent and : a 15 int itimate sense 0of mind. tnd." The Flatonic Concert of the Universe The concept cf the harmony cf the spheres, stenning frem the simple relisticnshins of numbers, results ina comnaretively sinple representeticn ef the universe. à In 12. ri (Vonetes jt. A, Srogiollo, erence to tne extensive use of n Renzissence architecture, see , chitectural Principles in the en, Ond ed. London: 15. À, Tiranti, 1952). Paul O. Hristeller, The Philcsonhy of Marsilio Ficino (New York: Colwabia University Fress, 1945), 308.

contrast to this simplicity, the universe presented by Plato in his Timaeus relies en an abstrect formulation, and, therefore, is quite complex. Plato's universe, based on the geanetric concept cf mathematics mentioned earlier, culminetes, as does the harinony of the spheres, in a series of musical intervals; but it has as its main objective the creatton of unity from chaos, rather than merely a representation cf the principles of number syzbolism. The Pvthegoreans based their gemetrical interpretation of mathematics on the numbers 1-4. ne evolution of a solid secretrical figure frem the numeral one was done in the fcllowing manner. sented as a point. The numeral one Was repre- A line joining two points and thereby providing extension of the point represented the mmeral two. Netther cf these two, the point nor tne line, was considerec to be a tangible cbject. The triensle, the first plane figure, to the senses and was perceivable therefore represented the first real number, three, Three as which was the first rerresentative of plane surfaces was capable cf being extended into a solid by placing a point over the center cf the triangle and extending lines from this point te the three points of the resulting figure, triansle. the tetrahedron, was the first solid

figure and renrosentel the nwiter four. the same manner, solids, cube, all o the ompose ey the octehecren, Pythstoreans of triangles: 156 Centinuing in eventually Cerived five the tetrahedron, the the dodeecahedron, These solic firures were -iven cf the Greek writers. ie) and the fcosahedron. tanrcibility by many Plate, fer example, related the irst four to the fcur elements -- fire, air, water, and earth--wnile the fifth was regarded as the master of the other four. 15 After constructing the body of the world fran the fcur solids, world-soul tence, Plato sets forth the structure cf the (which is again unity) smieness, . and difference. 16 compounded frem exis- _ , Fram A these simple stateecorean symbolism Plato develored his concept cf the universe. tte It is interesting that of all of the deas evolved by Plato anc his centenvoraries only the Ÿ simbclisms of tne four elements anpear in rerresentations = of tre monccherd, although the fundamental unity cf Flato's universe is represented, in its Christien interpretation, in tne form ef God and the sincle Le] strin‘wo? el it n his concluding Ibie., 35. 16. Francis F. Corrfcra Iiberel Arts 15. Vincent Honrer, l’edievel Timber Sybolism (“New York: Columbia University Press, 1588), 55. 14. Cosmolocy (Yew York:

canments about the structure cf the universe, Plato points out thet the four elements are really qualities of being : | 17 and are not to be consicered es having a constant nature. In the Timaeus Flato sets forth a universe in which all sriritual and mundane things ere the product cf a single entity, the Gemiurze. Tais demlurge, cr maker, the creator of order from chaos, satisfies the philosophic necessity of unity. After determining the shape of the world-scul, he then divides it into harmonic intervals, the end result of which is a Pythagorean scale. The Timaeus Coes not relete this hermonic structure of the world soul to the | harmony of the spheres es its writer does in the "Kyth of Er" from The Republic. That is, the harmony of the worldsoul is neither audible nor dependent upen the imasined cyrations of the planets, but is instead an innate harmony that characterizes the structure of the soul. 17. Cornford (Ibic., 35, 163), like most philosophers, is adamant in his opinion that the demiurse is not to be confused with God as an object of worship, esnecteliy in reference respect he states; "It or tc the Kew Testament teristic revelations of to a pegan polytheist." to Christianity. In this is not fair either to Flato to ascribe the most characthe founder of Christienity Yet this is the very thing that seems to heve ceen Gone by the users cf the monochord, for the moncchord as a symbolic unity inveriebly combines the speculaticns of a volytheistic philosophy with ideas about a menotheistic

This ynilesophy, weile having little te do with the symoclic use cf the monochord, endurin~ of the vroved twe Greek internretations to be the more of the universe. Both Flato's universe and the herm:eny of the spheres are secn to exist in the writings cf the neo-Prthasoreans and rec-Platonists, but these schocls acded little of value either of the basic schenes. to In ceneraì they were content to interpret Platonic and Pytharorean philosorhy in the Light of their own rarticular needs, and rerhans their most imzvortant function was tho nerretuetion of these io thecries for leter eras. Tre Infusion of Pyvthsroreanitsm into En the Christian Era ane the Barly licdle Ares At the beginning of the Christian era, most cf the nec-Pletonic phileserhtes were firnly entrenched in the in the enhowever, being connected to religicus dorma. -- without, minds cf Western scientists and ~hilosorhers suins 500 years the influx of Uastern “mystertes" inte the a Reman Empire rrovided & link between religion and science. The Zastern mysteries were the result cf the astrelosical aprlication of nımbers "not as subiects for vhilosorhteel {ue nquiry, but as Divine Reveletfen, and were accordingly . : … invested with all the mystery ani roves cf Holy Secrets."

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Augustine, number symbolism had became an accepted practice. Thus Augustine himself was able to say: "We must not despise the science cf numbers, which, in many passages of Holy Scripture, is found to be of eminent service to the careful interpreter.“ Because of the misinterpretatiorsof the abovementioned Roman men of letters who were busily chronicling tne centuries of Greek culture for posterity, the doctrine of the harmony of tne spheres was transmitted to the medi-eval period less as a part of the Christian tradition than as a literal description of fact. Asa result the doctrine was, for a time, shorn of its symbolic meaning end it was not until after the ninth century that it began to reassumo its former significance as a representative idea of Pythagoreanism. Because of this change of symbolic status, many disbelievers in the harmony cf the spheres in the early medieval period actually seem to be saying that the planets do not make music -- but this in no way implies that they are simultaneously refuting nunber synbolism. The retention of the numbers of the Pythagorean tuning is sufficient evidence of the influences of Pythagorean symbolism on early Christian scholars. Ibid., 78. The reconciliation of the

doetrine the harmony cl the svheres with sribolice meanines, tating nlace over a voriol ef several centuries, eventually culminested In the cm:b'nation cf the symbolisms of celestial music Tie Harmony of tre of and the monochord. ores in the Musical writings the viddle | Ares and che Renais sance Reforences te the existence of the harmony cf the ssheres in musical worlis of the ‘if ddle Aces is due larcely to the influence of Boethius. encvclonecists, among them end Isicore, Althouch the other late Tatin he musical writers Casstodorus referred te the successive senerstions in the theory, none of them Impressed same way es Foethlus. In his snius civiced music into three parts: musica rundana, musica huaana, and musica instruscntalis. jusica eLenents. Dosthlus certned musica hungna as the hamıony between the spiritual and the shysical parts of man, and he sravolized it muertcally in much the seme way that he determined intervals on a string. was music as sound, ments, aren: Yusica instrimentealis tneinudinsm=) sene references then the monechord. te instru-

The most imrvortant cf these Boethius was mus’.ca rrindana, three divisions to for Soethtus, 2 true Pythasoresn, was not so much interested in the enjoyment of ‘ > music or the nature of its sound as he was in the precept that musical proportion was tne basis of all understanding. Tais is borne out by Seethius's conplete neglect of vocal music, and his mention, in the classification of musica instrumentalis, of instrunents that eppear to be more useful for scientific investication than for performance .” Althoush Eoethlus!s explanation cf music dominated the thoucht of many medieval musical writers, Pythagorsanism in a more mystical form was evident in the works of others. This mystical version, easily identifiable because of its astrolosical implications, appeared early in the medieval period in tre De divisicne naturee of Johannes Sceotus (ca. 815-877), who presented many analogies between music and cosnic harnenies. Tne influence of Eastern troucht in the teachinss cf Scotus, who is considered by meny to be tne source cf Turorean mysticism, culninated in the early seventeenth century in the writinzs of Robert 21. Boethius, De instituticno musica, ed. Friedlein (rinsiae: Cap. II, 187-189. Yeubneri, 1867), Bk. I,

In the sr4:501ic uses Nenaliasanee, form of of the monocherd in the the influence of the occultists annears in the zodiac. keny of the early medicval theorists were content 5 uw enplification, and = ct to parrot Boethius's trinle division of music with little evidently not until the late ninth century that the doctrine of the harmony of the sreres vegan to resune sone of the symbolic significance that haë been shorn from it by the late Latin writers. Rezino of Prin (d. 915)appears to have been one of the first mecieval writers after 5cethlus to explain earthly harmonv as an imitation of celestial music. that the planets produces real sounds. He states In one passage he says that the Eyrate Meson is derived from the sound made by the planet Saturn. 23 Regino's contemporary, Aurelian of R6emé, also helped to reconcile the idea of the music ef the spheres with Christian doctrines by interpreting Q the sounds of the ecclesiastical modes to be dunlication f tne sounds created by planetary motion. 22, Cf. J. B. Craven, Doctor Robert llucd He further (Kirkwall, 1902);anc Jacques ranüschin, 1, Tote |Pusikanschauy Ses Johannes Scotus (Ertcona), Teutsche viortel-~ denreschrift für Literaturwisse nsenoft und Geistes- Sechlchte, v (1927), 316-340. 25. Pegtno of Frits, Pe harmonica institutione, GS I, 255. ~~ En Sludd.

stated that in singins the praises of God, man imitated the chorus ef the anrels.* the harmony of References to the doctrine of the srheres wore also frequent in the Arabic dociments of this period, especially in the form cf answers to those who refused te adiit such music. In the the existence of early tenth century the theory was denovnced by Al-Farabi, who ebanäoned the Eosthian triple division and postulated an alternate division into only theoretical and practical music. > In spite of Al-Farabi, however, many Arabians still clung te their beliefs in celestial music. The physician Al-rindi 1s said to have worked out elaborate charts in order to clarify the intervallic relationship between cosmic-hunan and musical elenents. © The influence of Al-Farabi's dual division of nusic, mace available to the later Middle Ases by the early thirteenth-century writor Imown as psewäo-Aristotle, nouncins the music of the svheres, icnore it; notable ancnz these works is the Introductio mustce of Johannes : ls musioue Al-Parabi. Trani Treité de la 25. Aurelian of Réoné, :'usica diseinlina, GS I, 32. 24, 26. tadolvh c'irlanger (Faris, 1930), 28. tr. by George I. Parner, on. cit., 99.

Ge Garlandia, written about 1240, in which Garlandia does not renounce fis faith in the principles of Pytmcoreanisn, but merely reflects scenticism about the hamony of the sphores. In refusing to admit the existence of celestial music, the early fourteenth-century musician Johennes de Srocheo says, with angelic in his Theoria, songs. À that his work will not deal walter Odington likerise rejects the physical existence of the har:ony cf the spheres in his Be sneculatione musica.” For every writer who decried the existence ef cosmic harmony, however, there were one or two others who professed sone belief in cither the music of the spheres or nuiber symbolism. In the early fourteenth century the author of the anonymous Suma musicae discussed the Boethlan triple division of music, 30 as dif jiarchettus de Padua in his Lucidarium musicae plane of 1274. Naerchettus's explanatien of the supernarticular pronerticns leaüs eventually into a comrerison of these 27. Johannes de Carlandia, Introcuctio musice, CS I, 157-175. 25. Johannes “olf, “Die Husiklehre des Johannes de Grecheo,” Ssinzelbinde der Internationalen Kusikgesellschaft, I (1555), 82. 29. Walter Câington, 39. Anonymous, Te sneculatione musice, CS I, 182. Simin musicae, GS TIT, 194.

numbers the world eni te tne four hunors. 51 At about the same time Gil Ce Zamora presented an extensive account of thie emotional connotations of the modes. 32 In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the revival of interest in many of the Greek writers, whose works were nov available in Latin translations, provided some impetus to the notion of the hemmony cf the spheres. This renewed interest is reflected in ths namin: of sections cf treatises, or even of whole treatises, in a manner thet 4mvlies subscrirtion to the theory of celestial music. examples, As tne first book of Georgio Anselmi's De musica . ts entitled "De celesti harmonia," 33 . . and the whole of the early seventeenth-century encyclopedias of Mersenne 4 LJ of . | 34 and + OO 4 rcher ara respectivelr entitled Hermonie universelle and j'usurcia universalis. rchottus ce Padua, III, 85 f. Zucidaríu: susicee plense, 32. Gil de Zamora, Ars musica, GS IT, 33. Georgio Anselmi, Te musica, ed. by Ciuseppe Messera (EF 34. : 586-88. OlschiT, 19 511, "65-106. Narin Lerseme, Hamıonls universelle (Paris: Cramoisy, 1636-37). 35. Athenasius !ircher, Vusursia wniversalis, 2 vols. (Pome,

In these later works, treatises, tre in conparison to earlier even the space allotted discussions of harnony of the srheres is greatly expanded, as is the breadth of to the discussions themselves. the Zamos de Parela, in his Musica rractica of 1452, ciscusses in detail the e.ctional asvects of the modes, making the assertion that the stars actually determine the character cf each of the modes. According to Ramos, acter of the Dorian mode. Corian. the char- The mcon influences the Eypo- Mars gives the Phrysian en emotional connotation cf anger. gives the sun influences Kercury influences the Evpophrysian, Jupiter the Lydien mode the character cf joy. Venus affects the Hypolydian, and Saturn influences the melancholy aspects cf the Hixelydten. © Remos later unified all of ct these elements by including thon in his linear revresenation cf the monochord. lienos ce Farefa, tiusica rractice, Wolf (Leipzig; ey 36. 37 u nn H e ot qe 1 ag IP, loc le) Robert Stevenson, |P, ed. oy Johannes Zreit:cnf und “Ertel, 1501), 57-60. in his ne Hague: ani sn vusic in the Are =; Kerr, 1960), 7, 61, points cut Inst names reflects tie mrerclo. deal tendencies 2 this era in the division cf the usica practice into threo parts, cf whieh the fi nst vert is subdivided into three tractates. Hach. of ee first two tractates contains eight parts, and the third tractate contains three. Ioté., 61.

The Spaniards were evidently steeved in the Boethian tradition, because the division of music into parts called mundana, humane, and instrvmentalis is encountered frequently in Spanish treatises throughout the next two hundred and fifty years. In 1495, Guillermo Despuig used this division in his Ars musicoriu,°° as did 9 Be mudo® . in 1555, and Fablo Ne ssarre+0 in 1724. Hassarre, like Remos, discusses tre emotional effects of music, including its beneficial effect on disease and its ability te excite the passions. The influence of Arabic end Aristetelian thought on the writings of Johannes Tinctoris is particularly evident in the following remarks taken from his läber de arte contrapuncti of 1477. ‘I cannot pass over in silence the opinion of numerous philosophers, ameng them Plato and Pythagoras and their successors Cicero, Kacrobius, Boethius and our Isidore, that the spheres of the stars revolve under the guidance of harmonic moduletion, that is, by the consonance of various concords. But when as Boethius relates, . 38. Guillermo Despuls, Ars musicorum (Valencia, 1495), 39. Juen Bermudo, Declaraci ón de Instrimentos musicales (Cssuna, 1555), facsimile ed. (Fassel: Erenreiter, 40. Bk. I, Cap. vit. Pablo Nessarre, Escuela musica, 2 vols. (Zeragoza: Larunbe, 1724), Bf, 65-69.

some declare that Saturn moves with the doepest sovnd and that, as we pass by stages through the remaining planets, the moon moves with the highest, while others, cenversely, ascribe the deerest sound to the moon and the highest to the sphere of the fixed sters, I put faith in neither opinion. Rather T unshakeably credit Aristotle and his connentator, along with our more recent philosormiers, whe most manifestly prove that in the neavens there is neither actual nor potential sound. For this reason it will never be vossible to persuade me that musical concerds, which cannot be produced without sound, can result from the motion of the heavenly bocies. Concords of sounds and melodies, from vacse sweetness the pleasure cf the ear is derived, are produced, then, not by heavenly bodies, but by earthly instriments with the co-operation of nature.4 Tinctoris, like many others, in attempting to deny the objective reality cf musical sound produced by the spheres, cverlooked the continued existence of this belief as mainly a symbolic figure of the relationships of music end the spiritual and physical world. In the sixteenth century many of the references to the music of the spheres were still based on the Bcethian concept. 41, 42. 4 In Itely, Fietro Aaron (1523) end Trans. in Oliver Strunk, Source Rendines in Music History (New York: wv. We Norton, Pietro Aeron, Zoscanello in musica (Venice: Venente, 1523), Cap. III.

$8 Sasfication Flain om. Zsey Introtuction to Practical Muste of 1507.77 In the 1£50's Sieg French Academy cf EREL and the Cenemia cf Bardi acecented the ideas cf comic harmony masques stased by Aartits rreun Tt is recorded that as well as Däif!s hed subjects based en speculative music, even to the extent cf a mosque entitled The Terneny cf the Sracres, the concerts which expressed of worid harmony in the gemetrical and mathematical relationships cf its Cances. these surorfictal references te the ideas of cosmic ant Gs nearauiiin tcenth-century “orean syvmbelisns and deever invelvenent cr The trend toward recenciiia ticn hagoreanis cf and Christianity had started carly in the tenth century in tre remarks ef Aurelian that carthly choirs emulated th : Aas .. 46 music cf the spheres. 63. Giovanni Verin Artus (Venice: AL, 3 u the In AE del contrarmanto j no, 1450), 1. Thence LORIE Frac tieel sa Le u sixteenth century these Insvy „ntrotfuction to 1 Ny 16€ ZEraon Thorens s, 1552), 106. LS. un Yollrmter, The Unturins of the Sin (Frinceton: Frinceten Vntverslty Pross, 1261), 16-37. 46. Aurelian,

ideas snread rapidly, that, as may be seen in the following citations, by the early seventeenth century many musicians spoke freely about the relationships of Cod, Man, and the musical proportions. Richard liuleaster, writing in the prefatory verses to Eyrd's anc Tallis's Cantiones gure ab armimento sacrae vocantur of 1575, stated; How valueble a thins music is, is shewn by those who teach that numbers con- The canposer Robert Jones, in 1608, illustrated the common opinion that "thore is musicke in all thinses," when he enrhesized in the decication of his Vltimun Vale the need for harmony in both music and the Politie, state, or the subject thereof, a commonwealth, is but a well-tunde song where all partes doe asree, and meete tocether, with full consent and harmony, ene serving the other, and everyone themselves in the sane labor.4& Kore direct references to celestial music are &pparent in such staterents as Byrd's in the dedication of his Graduslia cf 1610, where he writes that for the praise 47. William Byrd anc Thomas Tallis, armmento sacrae voces: Cantiones quae ab or \Loncen: Tautroilerius, 1575). 48. Robert Jones, Ultirne Vale (Londen: John windet,

of God "nene but some celestial harmony will be nroper." That earthly music must resemole the celestial music in its verfecticn was alse stated by Charles Butler, who wrote in his Principles of Music arcmise cf celestial joyz . . (163¢€) that "Nustec gave « which it doeth resemble. „50 In his Tennlu: musicw of 1511, Jonenn Alsted writes at great length avout the relaticn of music and the universe. Eesices his innuneraole comments on the unity that exists in God and rusic, he also extensively ciscusses the emotional aspects of the modes and the affections. Alstedts observations conclude with his Ciscussicn of th menochord, about which he says: The canon, motner, and radix cf all instruments is the moncchord; which is an instriment most simple anc intire , . . and we way observe fully in this Instrument, all the proporticns of all musical numbers.? To Alsted, tne nerfection of music is determined by the purpose for which it is used. 49. OF the modes he writes: William Byrc, Gradvalia (Londen: Eumpnrey Lownes, 1610). 50. Charles vr Ea vil 51. Eutler, Principles cf fusic and, 16365, 1: (Londcer: John Johann Alsted, Templun musicum (1611), tr. by John Birchensha (London: P. Dring, 16€4), 90,

There is a certain imitation of Celestial Fear onyr, by which as beaa sweet and nolsciue Mecicine, the Diseases of the mind arc cured, Vices are dissipated, Cares are lessened: and tne Dew of Divine "Grace is leisuvely, and by little and little distilled.s In 16917 Robert Tludd, whose symbolic use of the monochord will be discussed tn the finel section of this chapter, represented his ideas about the relationships cf tx ” £ oO a fos fo “ rar 53 Utriusaue comi ct 5 a a 5 je ‘3 ® a © (Plate 34), D ps 5 ce © ct pe ct tw © ke, D fü) © © Le) je) ee Ü where the planetary symbols on staff lines revresent the cosmic harmonies. The implications cf Fludd's mystical beltefs, derived from his essoctetions with the Rosicrucians, may be seen in the use of the astrolccic symbols which are connected to the verious parts cf the Vitruvian figure. The whole is connected to Coc by the cord wiich is drawn by the winced figure with hoeves. This fisure, sealing the clouds toward a union with tne infinite, represents time. On his head stands an hoursless, whien is surmounted by an abbrevinted exolem rf the solar wheel in the form 53 of 4 swast!ka. 52. an Tbic., 78. 8. Robert Fluid, Utriusaue cosml (Coperhemii: Calleri, 1617), title pare.

Plate 34. Title page from Robert Fludd's Utriusaue coml. pt. .'Ütr iüsqu e Col ” | GL ‚ MALORIS fedlicet ct MINORIS METATYSI , PHYSIC CA A FE ATQVE rood | \ 4 & TECHNICA In duo Volumina fecundum COSMI differentiam diuisa. AVTHORE ROST RTO FLUD alas de Flultius, Areigero, er am k \ Linda Deötare Oronunfi. . Tomus Primus \ De Maczroccfsi Hid teria in duos traftatus diuefa . Ate belan Mec i leo MM acrocofmi; rane lus Ofna. à 5 Vu ve, . N 4a “ amies À es td

Athanasius Kircher published several works thet derict, thoucth not so boldly as Fludd, the mystical asseciations of man anc the universe. The frontispiece ef Kircher's lusurcte universalis of 1650 illustrates, ameng other things cf allegorical significance, the singing of the svheres, by means of a heavenly choir (Flate 35).°4 Thomas Mace, the last writer to be mentioned in this saction, exerplifies the prevalent ideas about the uses music to Fert" of his Lusick's Monument, where he "Contemplative relations of music to God and man in the + relate himself to God and eternity. GREAT COD Mysterious Center of All Hysterie: All Things Originate Tneuselves in Thee; And in Their Revolution, wholly tend Po Thee, Their Octave, Their Most Happy End. All Things (what e're) in Nature, are Thus Rounded, Thus ysticelly Limited, and Bounded; — Some Haracnize in Diapasons Deep, Cthers esain, more Lofty Circles Keep. But Thou, the Moving Cause in every Thing; Tne Mystick Life, from whence All Life doth Spring. That Tittle Spark of Life, which I call Mine It cone fro: Thees (a Precious Gift of Thine} 54. <Athenasius Wircher, on. cit., frontispiece. See also the frentisniece of Tircheris Phenurcia nova (Carpidonae; NDudolphun Drehur, 1673), and Kircher'!s allegory of music and the seven days of the creation in the Wusurzia, II,

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vut these planetary sn.ools do not appear in nis diagram. Diasra 80 shows both of the illustrations presented ov Ptolemy. a In Picure 1 the zodiac is related to linear representation cf the menochord. In Ficure 2, all the notes c: the Greater Perfect System are assigned places within tre celestial sphere. The latter kind of representation often appears in Renaissance illustrations cf the monochord. …- Jecgues “rnäschin, in an article in ? waft (1926), the Zeitschrift nn 5 u Gescribes a medieval manuserint thet contains 2 composition about the harmony of the soheres. shows, A facstitle cf the manuscrint (Plate 36) cn the richt site, a linear representation of a 3 the notes cl the Greater Perfect System and the names of the rlanets. Hanischin says that put that the poen, because cf its style, is probably fran tie tenth century. There is a strittine similarity between this renresentation and tne monochord shown in Plate 33, even to the nen-nroport*’ onal placenent of the notes on zur Kusiimissens chaft, er:Zet tsch:

Diasren 90. Ftoleny's representations cf tne universe. Mese Proslambanomenos L_ Nete H ypetbalaion YVBISAME=U rte Y Figure 1. Figure 2. Neta Hyperbelaion Y [Preslambanomenos the string; this aspect of the drawing is a common feature of many of the monochord drawings of later centuries. After Ptolemy, all of the early moncchord diagrams are used mainly to relate the planets te definite pitches, with little accompanying symbolism of the land found in the late Renaissance. This way of usins the monochord

Plate 36. be Emir: wend. ar ’ A. . Ct. re ape : . Md . rr er. : u NE Lo J A a. te, : runam da tung qu fereur proves verg | ... Ma yn, amen merci Alan da, M : fy En . “ N . . OF Î f NEK: .. « . . . . Bi ale dureflaren onp a N Te a . . ‘ 1 : r . . emrur afd Drum mg Sien dlp. t t r . - LE 2 te [pire Zine fan treue p Le A Dagen A . de rh. r eA f rune parse fund.

A symbolic monochord of the eleventh century. + ee 6e1 , . . ta, ty2 ‘ I 4 1 | 3 ’ N 2 + r 20... tr ie!he A apr daudsur nds. , Ft ag Sp L k a . y > : Seephin Hererpieleh Td a re Ld . Cherubin per oft em acumen + . fy T “pple fa ad eghim Aalen.dit fran a> . bi Pers rebel ais a “Keres phelern Serena mt Neredeuens Temvipat mbafaranedieseurnes Crau fir FA a; AnTrEUE UM quiripu Rs N € A epen Erie Gon ’ \ ro ad dm anal oar mere denen.” t-. ' J | 2 Perf phew George parti irri 4 2 7 . Neoraldf ro nome . Tree:„dieen dupere Perr ETE NÉE « pure pbs (Per dir à 1 ) „ Jus far - $ planers fazen Aroma weeen. Nets aime ane 4 7 4, 2. . - D Su plat pchanchonelon foyers uel dons flamand” alm « Lappe larg perintin trque def Sopron (Aard nele amet Mat Npermein fa Ubi. fepeon requset fr acre per als. j Vase ohne peft fércem mila erode. bh epeadd’ hie numer “eur pal for sel. ol Lisp j . Vend „ITejparrpem » » . hd Le À Preftitanmrend J Terra as Serum . Pa FR

continued until the early sixteenth century. The Greek influence is often anparent in the use cf the Greek note names, the nine muses, and other pagan symbols. Such an . illustration enpears in the Harmonie mustcorim instruvee mentorum (1514) of Franchinus Grffurius, where a threeheaded serpent renresents the sinsle string. °° Bech of the accompanying muses in this illustration is related to one of the pitches of the one-octeve scale, as are various planets. In this instance, the the serpent may also represent time -- past, present, and futuro, Glareanus's discussion of the harnony of the spheres and the diagram that he prints in the Dodecachordon are about the same as those of Gaffurius. addition to providing the diagram, Glareanus, in explains sane of the nwaber symbolisms current in nis time, including an explanation of “my the mmber seven occurs so frequently among writers on muse. 199 The number seven appears in his monocnord diagram, as it does in Gaffurius!'s, in there ere 58, only seven intervals in the Franchinus Caf. scale. ius, Harmonia musicorum Instmmentorun (lediolani: 59. that Gotardzn, 1518), 95. FEenricus Glareanus, Dotecachordon, tr. by Clement “filer (Unpublished dissertation, University of Michigan, 1952), 222ff.

Gaffurius!s symbolic repres entation ci the monochord. ERE A ie ga ie AL = ms N > ae re ari Tr ph N > ce > Mers urn. Nes LE TES Ta U 22% LN eMLO Ha «TER»20H Bag ‚N Pe AOESIQ at 22 ,4% i SATA> Es a 4 co ANS: ANA ™ In a à E & V4 KA rhs REE GE Tais seme illustration (Flete 33) was used in Zarlino's explanation of Pythag oreanism in his Istttutioni harmonice of. 1558 - but with one interesting change in meaning. Zarlino granted the authority of natu ral law

Plate 38. The monochord dlagram of Glareanus. ee mern mann mener ma ann me erg ' | i 4 ! !3 a 3 {t i ' j i Dn nn ee a nn menen he a et enen Haverty Ne ade ma to the musical ratios of the diagram, 3 stating that they form the basis of everything -- of the heavens, N 60 elements, the soul and body of nan. 60, the four Although none of er 7 rlino, Istitutiont harmonice Gioseffo a2 Senese, 1 26 2), 102. (Venice:

Zarlino's predecessors had gone so far as to relate physical and sniritual being to this kind 07 representation, all of the later users of the symbclic monochord, perhaps influenced by Zerlino's boldness, give a religious interpretation to their illustrations. It may be recalled that a similar change of attitude in the explanations of the harmony of the spheres was noted in the preceding section (pp. 446-47, above). Abraham Bartolus was evidently the first of the seventeenth-century musicians to expand the symbolic uses of the menochord beyond the limits set by Zarlino. 01 Bertolus's monochord (Plate 59), drawn as part of a circle, actually contains two separate moncchords, placed so that the lowest notes are in the center; the waole is designed so as to present a symmetrical ciagran of the universe. Although Bartolus describes many practical uses for the nonochord, most of the treatise is taken un with explaining the symbolic interpretations cf the instrument. Bartolus ‘covers the gemut of Renaissance symbolism, including the {nterpretations cf the zodiac. In his comments about the doctrine of affections, Bartolus states that tho note E, 61. Abraham Eertolus, "Musica liathematica," printed as the second part cf Heinrich Zelsing, Theatri machinarun (Altenburg, 1614), 94-172.

Plete 59. Abraham Bertolus's symbolic monochord. SYMMETRIA Orte À . ÜNIVERSI (D> Per af Y A, + " key < te >, UT FD LS pa ! + VA OEREN > <> { Le ARIEL SOULE ENCE DENK pe he amant B FSI tld TETE LE PER Wwe ey AIT IST HE eus ee webs ce eA ae influenced by Saturn, is sad. Ee further says that the sound of this note, when it is under the sign of and fowls. a zoäise in the month of November, 2 the is inimical to fishes flthoush the fervor cf Eartolusts attempts to relate the sundry aspects of the universe may seem Ibid., 102.

extreme to twentieth-century sensibility, such zeal appears to typify the first half of the seventeenth century, when such discussions were conmonplece, and in many of which the monochord played a symbolic part. The most famous use of monochord symbolism appears in the Jionochordi mundi sympnoniacun of Robert Fludd. 63 Tats treatise, written "In apologien" to Johannes Kepler, was a general disparagement of Kepler for the philosophical mistakes tnat Kepler had made in his interpretation of tne universe. Fludd's argunent with Kepler arose over the latter's asserticn that the universe was composed of five regular solids (the same ones discussed by Plato). Fluêd, in showing Kepler how these solids were part of the earth, invoked the authority of God, and his whole argument culminated in a magnificent diagran of the monochorâ (Plate 40) that ccntains much religious symbolisn. Recardless of their controversy, the minds of both repler end Fludd were cast from the same mold, the main difference appearing in Kepler's consuning passion for finding heraonies in nature after the manner of the Pythagoreans, 63. and Fluddts passion for connecting these harmonies Robert Fludd, lonochordi mundi synproniacun, issued as pert of Fludd'ts Anatomiae Ampnithes (Frankfort, 1623), 258-331.

Sane har Phan Fey 4 + + AN a Le pe 3 4 aure ENE et ay media Pars niets à wur regal eu. "alster ... a sikpes } Cor pus Maesen The monochord of Robert Fludd. gp A, Le -GRAMMATT dunensto va entre oma, Sanedoruat TRY RA Pee N “ % w Plate 40. IMmfinttal LES onme quod est ab eu proc edunt ommıa x aterum in eam revwertuntur DeVS Est wt m4 ve a Pa ro om hd “

to God. To Fiuda, Fythacoreanism was only a ladder that enabled him to approach more closely the marvels of the Divine Architect. 6 4 Mersenne uses one cf Fludd's monochord diagrams (Plate 33) in the Zemnonfe universelle. But instead of attenpting to exvlain the implications of the illustration, he simply states that ons should interpret it in the lont of his ow needs. °° Nersenne, in spite of his reticence in explaining the syrbolie moncchord, was. nevertheless well avare of the common practices of his day. One instance of his Imowleäge of the subject appears in his discussion of the moncchord, in which he shows how the astrolosical conJunctions cf the stars are supposed to be ccnsonant to musical intervals.°® One of the lest attempts in the seventeenth century to apply the symbolism cf the monochord to a scientific 64. end Kepler's arc s mundi, written in 1619, is available in a mocern Inzlish translation in Johannes Kenler, The Earonies of the World, Bk. V, Charles G. Welleee (Chicago: tr. by Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1955), Vol. XVI of Creat Books of the Western World, 1009-1035. 65. Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle: Anstrunents a cordes (Yaris: Br. VIII, Prop. X, 48. 66. Ibid., Bx. I, Prop. XI, 27. Traitez des Cranoisy, 1636-37),

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stocther Simrgon's “iscussiton cf the relations cf the al symbels and the musicorl consonences. 69 . Simrson rs how they sre related but says nothing about their effects. Nis own vellefs are seen in the use of the numbers three end seven, but, unlixe Fludd and l'affenreffer, he seems willine te let the reacer make up hts cwm mind. The followquetation gives Sinpson's summarization ef his exnlanation of the monochord {Plate 41). The Analogy of Musical Concords to the Aspects of the Planets, illustrated in tne followinre scheme. “here vou hive the seven Gracusl sounds in orierly rrosression resresenteä cn the er-iine. Upon which, is alsc described a cn with its inclused Corsorsnts, according Arithmeuiecal division therecf, as exveritall found upon a Yonocheri, er the String a fretted incstrment, fran the „ut to the thereof. The outmest Cipeie represents Secteck, and the Aspects cf the Flanets, to a zou see the Tiarosen with its Intersecexactly acrecin:; as viz. The twe Terms gor, toa Conjunction and Govositicns The e Secticn (bien generates a Fifth on one and & Fourth on the other) toe O . A eng a Sixth conrleetins alse the Compas ef an Cctave, as 2 À and a de 2 Semicircle c> tre two eprosite rcints cf an Orbe. To which adcted, “that a Dianasen is aiviced into Seat tones as the Zocjack into Twelve cf Sections. 69, Christerher Simrsen, The Division Viol, 2nd ed. (Lenten: We Godbid, 1665).

Plate 41. Christopher Simpson's analogy between music and astrology. Crise D ee se mn y quete ner

The other Figure shows, that all the Sounds that cen 2osstbly be joyned together in Nusicel Concordance, are still but the reiterated Harmony of Three. Husicel symbolism survived the seventeenth century to remain a moving force in the eighteenth century. Many of the users of the monochord in this latter era also dealt with musical symbolism, but not in relation to the monochord; by this time the moncchord was used only as a practical instrument. Ancreas Werclmeister, who comrared incorrect temperament with felse Christianity, + was one of the last to mention the symbolic value of the monochord. His remark that "the nearer a thins is to its origin, the nearer it is to perfection, "72 perhaps suns up most cf the reascns why the moncchorä was usec as a symbolic entity -- and why this instrument remained e favored tool among so many musicians of his time and earlier eras. 70, Tbid., 24. 71. Andreas VWerchweister, Kusicalische Parscexel-Disecourse (Quedlinburg: Calvisii, 1697), 109. Ibid., 13.