On Damon and music education

HERME OLOGI E SCHE PHIL ZEITSCHRIFT ru n KLASSI N HERAUSGEGEBEN VO JOCHEN BLEICK EN KARL BÜC HNER - HA NS DILLER { 106, BAND + 1978 - HEFT 1 — 1, QUARTAL nn, Ses“Es ña. » On Damon and muste edu cation (Politika 134% zweiten und Plato un Buch des Arist ) 17-44), Die Positione d Aristoteles Hermes Juintilianas n von Damo andererseits 774 (1478 | / > Dermes Lehre des Da mon aut O run d des und yi Aristotel es n und Arista xenos einerseit s werden deutli ch gemacht.

Very little is reliably known of the musical doctrines of that enigmatic — Damon of Athens, and of the — the teacher of Pericles and Socrates figure school which appears to have descended from him}. In the virtual absence of direct testimony, it has been customary to rely on what are thought to be the wholesale borrowings from Damon embodied in the discussion of music education in the third book of Plato’s Republic. Not long ago we were exposed to the opinion that everything of interest in that discussion, and in particular the Platonic doctrine of poetic imitation, is borrowed from or inspired by Damon — or Damon in company with »the Pythagoreans«?. It is safer and, I believe, ultimately more profitable to begin by assuming that Plato never simply »borrowed« anything, and to wonder whether the authentic teaching of Damon on the subject of music education was not rather different than the argument of the Republic might seem to suggest. That a fresh approach in this matter is necessary has indeed been felt’; that one is possible I hope to show. My investigation will concentrate on two pieces of evidence — one neglected and inadequately exploited, the other entirely overlooked: the brief account of Damon and his school in the second book of Aristides Quintilianus, and the interpolated section at the end of the eighth book of Aristotle's Politics. The most important — indeed, the only — extended account of the teaching of the Damonian school occurs in the musical treatise of Aristides Quintilianus. Whether or to what extent Aristides has incorporated authentic Damonian material in his own teaching is not a question that can be settled here, though it is fair to say that scholars have not always shown the proper caution in this respect 4, But Aristides’ one explicit reference to Damon is of unusual interest, and it has not, I believe, been properly understood — largely because (as so frequently happens in cases of this kind) the Damonian »fragment« has been isolated from the context which determines its meaning. 1 For Damon’s life and political activities see A. E. RAUBITSCHEK, Damon, Cl. Med. 16, 1955, 78—83; F. SCHACHERMEYR, Damon, Beitràge zur Alten Geschichte und deren Nachleben: Festschrift für Franz Altheim, Berlin 1969, I 192—204. 2H. KoLLER, Die Mimesis in der Antike, Bern 1954. KOLLER’s thesis continues to find favor in some quarters (e. g. H. JoHn, Das musikerzieherische Wirken Pythagoras’ und Damons, Das Altertum, 8, 1962, 69), despite an effective refutation by G. F. ELSE, Imitation in the Fifth Century, CP 53, 1958, 73 ff. 3 W. ANDERSON, The Importance of Damonian Theory in Plato’s Thought, TAPA 86, 1955, 88—102; Ethos and Education in Greek Music, Cambridge, Mass. 1966, 74—81. 4 See H. DEITERS, De Aristeidis Quintiliani fontibus, Diren 1870, 13ff.; K. von JAN Damon, RE IV 2073; R. SCHAFKE, Aristeides Quintilianus Von der Musik, Berlin 1937, 100—112; KOLLER 79—81; ANDERSON, Damonian Theory, 98ff.; cf. ELSE 85 and nn. 53 and 54. Not much progress will be made in resolving this question until Aristides’ own teaching — which is not only obscure, but voluntarily obscure (consider De mus. 2, 7, [65, 10—21 WINNINGTON-INGRAM]) — is better understood. Hermes, 106. Band, Heft 1 (1978) © Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, D-6200 Wiesbaden

The argument of the relevant section of De musica IT is as follows. Just as individual notes have a definite character (hoc) — some are »male«, others yfemale«, and others neutral or mixed (2 12 [77, 19—20 WINNINGTON-INGRAM]) — so too do intervals and entire harmonies. Accordingly, one may use the harmonies »by applying them to different kinds of souls by way of similarity or by way of opposition; thus you will uncover a weak character that is hidden and heal it and make it better, and you will effect persuasion: if the character is mean or harsh, you lead it through a middle state to its opposite, and if fine and good, you augment it by similarity to a settled and balanced condition« (} xab’ Ógorórnra Exdorn Vvyh mpocpépwmv appoviay N war’ Evavruórnra, zó te paÜhov Sroixovpody hog Exxakbtperg zat ikon xal PéAtLov EvÒnoerg, zal red rounoerc, el pèv dyevvèc à oxAnpdv rein, did geoórnTog &ywv &¢ Tobvavttov, el 8° dotetov xat ypnotov, du’ duordtytos ab&wv Es abunerpov) (14 [80, 11—16]). Aristides’ argument presupposes his distinction between two sorts of »character education «(7O1x} maidevoic) effected by music: a »therapeutic« education operating »by way of opposition« (xat’ Évavriéryra) on those who suffer from an excess of passion, and an »opheletic« education operating »by way of similarity« (xaO’ égouórtra, SU Guoudtyto¢) on those who are sufficiently free from passion to lend themselves to the »persuasion« which music is able to effect, or whose character is susceptible of being »assimilated« to the ethos a particular kind of music imitates or embodies5. After a brief remark concerning the diagnostic testing of character by different harmonies, Aristides proceeds as follows: »For the harmonies resemble, as I said, their dominant intervals and limiting notes, and these resemble the movements and passions of the soul. That the notes even of a continuous melody form by similarity a character that did not exist previously both in the young and in those already advanced in years and develop one that is latent was made clear by Damon and his school as well. In the harmonies handed down by him, at any rate, one will find that of the notes employed the female and the male at one time or another either dominate or are used more sparingly or not at all — clearly because a harmony too is beneficial according to the character of each kind of soul. It is for this reason that of the elements of musical composition ‘note-selection” is regarded as in each case the most useful in the choice of the most necessary notes« [’Eoixacı yap, 6 Épnv, at wév &puoviar tote mAsovalouor StactHucow N) toc Tepleyovor POdyyous, odtoL dè Tots Tic boyhe xivmuaol te xai 5De mus. 2, 9 (68, 22—69, 1); for the distinction r&foc-retfo consider especially 2,6 (59, 27—28) and context. In the passage cited above, WINNINGTON-INGRAM wrongly marks a period after évôfoeic (80, 14): x08’ gorórnra | Kar’ vavribrnra stands in chiastic relation with 76 te païov... évOqoerg | xal ned movhoets, while ef wav... obuue+ Tpov (80, 14—16) only further elaborates the same distinction. Hermes 106, 1

CARNES LORD nathuacw. Str yap 1 Ógorbrnrog of pOóyyot xai ouvexoüs wsddtac m\drrovot te obx dv Hog Ev te match xal tot Hdy mpoBeByxdor xal évSouvyodv EEdyovorv, ZdNAouv xat of nept Adumva' Ev yobv tate tx’ abrod mapadeSopévatc dpuoviarc Tüv pepopévav pléyywv OTe Ev Tous Bhnerc, Sts 88 tods Kppevac Eorıv edpetv Ivor mAcovalovtac À En’ Erattov À 008° Ang mapetAnupévouc, SHAov ds xata TO HO Wuyis Exdorns xal dopoviag ypnouevobonc. Sid ai Tv gepöv The pehomotiac hj xahovuévn mettela td yoyoudtatov Ev éxhoyy Töv dvayxatotatay pÔ6yyov éxdotote Bewpovuévn] (14 [80, 23—81, 6] = Damon fr. 37 B 7 DIELSKranz). This passage is of interest in the first place not so much for what Aristides says as for what he fails to say about the doctrines of the Damonian school. If Aristides’ remark is read in its context, it becomes clear that the agreement between the Damonian teaching and Aristides’ own views is at best a partial one. According to Aristides, music can affect character either »by way of similarity« or »by way of opposition«; according to Damon (and there is no reason to suppose Aristides is not fully reporting the Damonian position), music affects character »by way of similarity« only®. For Aristides, music can both form the character and heal the passions. For Damon, as it seems, the ethical or educational effect of music is limited to the formation of character. What is more, music education as understood by the Damonian school is operative only in certain periods of life. For Aristides attributes to the school of Damon a concern for the music education not of the young and »those more advanced in years« — as is often assumed — but rather of the young and »those already advanced in years« (roîc hòn npoßeßnxöcı)?: for Damon, music educa\ tion is the education on the one hand of children, and on the other of old men. While Aristides regards as an integral and important part of music education the healing of excessive passion in mature men, Damon had limited music education to the formation of character in the young and the old. The only obstacle in the way of understanding the Damonian teaching in the manner indicated by Aristides is a story appearing in several late writers, to the effect that several young men indulging in drunken behavior to an accompaniment of Phrygian music were brought to order when Damon instructed the flute firl to play a Dorian tune®. But since the same or a similar incident is connected more frequently and on better authority with the name 6 Consider Athenaeus 628c = Damon fr. 37 B6 Diers-KRANz, Plato Rep. 401d1. Cf. ELSE 83—85. 7Cf. De mus. 2, 4 (58, 3—5). This mistake is made by ANDERSON, Ethos 39, JAN 2072—2073 and F. LASSERRE, Plutarque De la Musique, Olten/Lausanne 1954, 58; ScHAFKE correctly translates „Menschen vorgerückten Alters« (289). 8 Galen. De plac. Hipp. et Plat. V 453 Mürrer, Martianus Capella 9, 926 — Damon fr. 37 A8 Diets — Kranz. Cf. LASSERRE 62—64, SCHACHERMEYR 199.

of Pythagoras®, and since the Pythagoreans were indeed concerned with the healing or »purification« (xdÒapars) of the passions by means of music, there is no good reason to credit the attribution of this story to Damon!®. As regards the Damonian concern — at first sight so implausible — with a music education for old men, the evidence which confirms it will be discussed in a moment. What must be noticed next in Aristides’ account of the Damonian teaching is its intention. Aristides appeals to the authority of Damon not so much in order to support his view of the ethical effect of music »by way of similarity« as to support his view of the ethical effect of a harmony (or a harmony as realized in a »continuous melody) as distinguished from its notes or intervals. Aristides’ appeal to Damon reflects the musical situation of his own time: it reflects the attenuation of genuine modal ethos which had begun as early as the fifth century B. C., and which eventually permitted the amalgamation of the ancient harmonies in the uniform scale (the so-called Greater Perfect System) of classical music theory. The »harmonies« presupposed in Aristides’ analysis are not true &pgoviat — distinctive scales or »tunings« and the musical idioms associated with them — but »octave-species« (et3y) distinguished from one another only by their relative position on a single scale. Since, at least in theory, many harmonies share many of the same notes, it is not evident that the character of a given melody will be decisively affected by the harmony in which it is composed. Aristides’ solution to this difficulty is twofold. In the first place, he argues that a harmony derives its distinctive ethos from the notes which belong to it — from the »limiting notes« which define its range! and from the notes determining the intervals between them. Secondly, he stresses the importance of »note selection« (metteta) in musical composition (cf. 1, 12 [29, 18—21}). The ethical effect of a given harmony depends, as it seems, on a selective use of the notes belonging to that harmony: only the notes which are »most necessary « in creating that effect are to be employed — for every harmony will necessarily contain notes which conflict with its dominant ethos. ® Philodemus De mus. Pap. Herc. 1576 fr. 1, 16—ı9 (58) KEMKE; Cicero fr. 2 ORELLI; Quintilian 1, ro, 32, Sextus Empiricus Adv. math. 6, 8; Iamblichus Vit. Pyth. 112 DEUS- NER; Boethius De mus. I, I. 10 Aristoxenus fr. 26 WEHRLI, Iamblichus Vit. Pyth. 64 DEUBNER, Aristides De mus. 2, 19 (or, 27—31). It is frequently asserted that Damon was himself a Pythagorean, but the only evidence is a questionable scholion to Plato Alc. r18c (= Damon fr. 37A2 Diers-KRANz). That Damon was influenced in some degree by Pythagoreanism is possible and even likely; that such influence cannot account for Damon’s theorizing on music education is suggested by the fact that while Aristoxenus testifies (fr. 35 WEHRLI) | to a Pythagorean concern for public education, he conspicuously fails to connect it with | the Pythagorean concern for music. U This seems to be the meaning of vois mepiéyovar pOdyyorg at 81, 24 (cf. SCHAFKE 289 n. 4, JAN 2072).

CARNES LORD It is sometimes assumed on the basis of this passage that the notion that individual notes have a distinct ethos (and the related emphasis on the importance of »note selection«) is Damonian in origin!?. Aristides’ argument seems to me to suggest quite the opposite. The »harmonies« of the time of Damon were true modes rather than segments of a uniform scale; as Aristides himself points out, in very ancient times (the context is a discussion of the modes mentioned in Plato's Republic) »they did not always use all the notes« which might seem properly to belong to a particular harmony (1, 9 [18, 5ff.]). »Note selection « cannot have been a principle of Damonian theory, for it was guaranteed by the very nature of modal composition. As regards the distinction between »male« and »female« notes, it appears to represent Aristides’ interpretation of the »harmonies« of Damon rather than a genuine Damonian doctrine (consider 80, 29 yoöv, 81, I Zorıy edpetv): it is more than likely that modal ethos was regarded by Damon and his school (and by any musically educated person of the fifth century) as determined less by individual notes abstractly considered than by certain types of intervals and the musical idioms or styles which had developed around them. When Aristides speaks of »the harmonies handed down« by Damon, he is evidently speaking not of musical modes proper (or of a written composition) but of melodic exercises of a certain kind — »Vokaletüden«!*. When he goes on to conclude that the male or the female notes are dominant in these exercises »because a harmony too is beneficial according to the character of each kind of soul«, &puovia has its normal meaning!® — since the whole point of Aristides’ argument is to establish the ethical distinctiveness of a mode or harmony in its normal sense. The suppressed premise of Aristides’ rather elliptical remark is that the Damonian »exercises« are — as their name suggests — compositions designed to embody the characteristic ethical effects of different harmonies. Accordingly, it is wrong to assume that Aristides imputes to Damon or his school the practice of composing individualized melodies for the benefit of »each individual soul« (buy) Ex&orn)*. Whatever may have been Aristides’ own view in this matter, his account of Damonian education mentions human groups or types (the young and the old) rather than individuals; and his interpretation of the Damonian »harmonies« suggests two distinct types (those dominated by male notes and those dominated by female notes) rather than 12 JAN 2073, ANDERSON, Damonian Theory 98—101, LASSERRE 58—59. 18 Cf. Aristoxenus Harm. 23. 39. In Aristides’ version of the scales mentioned in the Republic (1, 9 [18—20)), the initial »limiting note« is in many cases the same. Cf. ANDERSON, Ethos 11—19; I. HENDERSON, Ancient Greek Music, The New Oxford History of Music I, London 1957, 345—349. 14 Cf, SCHAFKE 289 n. 7. 15 Contrary to what ANDERSON seems to suggest (Damonian Theory 99 n. 33). 16 Thus ANDERSON, Ethos 41 (but cf. Damonian Theory 99).

a continuum which could accommodate slight variations in musical ethos to accord with the individual needs of a variety of human characters. What may be inferred from Aristides’ account, I think, is that the harmonic exercises associated with the name of Damon — exercises, it would seem, which had originally been designed for use in education (and primarily, one would suppose, in the education of the young) — were composed in two distinct and even radically different modes or types of modes. Which modes these were, and what was their intended effect, we will now try to determine. That Damon had recommended for the purposes of education two modes differing widely in ethos will be granted by those who regard Plato’s treatment of music education as decisive for the Damonian view. It appears to have been a special claim of the Damonian school that music is capable of fostering all the virtues — »not only courage and moderation, but justice as well« (Philodemus De mus. 1, 13 [7] KEMKE = fr. 37 B4 DieLs-KRANz); and when Plato emphasizes the need for two harmonies of an opposing character to foster the opposing virtues of courage and moderation (Rep. 39ga—c), it is likely that he is reflecting something of Damon’s own teaching in this matter. Similarly, he distinguishes in the Laws (802e) — a passage which may well be the source of Aristides’ theory — between a »male« music which is »magnificent and disposes to courage« and a »female« music which »inclines rather to the orderly and moderate«. Now the solution that Plato appears to adopt in the Republic — the Dorian mode is required in order to promote courage, the Phrygian in order to promote moderation — is generally assumed to represent the view of Damon?’. But, in the first place, such a view is in itself highly problematic: the Phrygian mode was normally understood to produce feelings of venthusiasm« or religious exaltation, or the very opposite of »moderation« (cwppoovvy) in one of its senses!®. In the second place, it is not even certain that this was in fact the Platonic position. The argument of the Republic is . decidedly ambiguous, and already in antiquity there was some disagreement . as to which mode Plato had meant to connect with which virtuel? Several 17 Thus H. ABERT, Die Lehre vom Ethos in der griechischen Musik, Leipzig 1899, : 84-86; LASSERRE 62; JOHN 70; ANDERSON, Ethos 72—73, 107—109. 18 Consider Euripides Bacch. 159 and context, Aristotle Pol. 1340b 4—5; 1342a 32—b6. ® Proclus In Remp. I 61, 24—28 KrorL. Though the question cannot be fully discussed ; here, I am inclined to agree with the ancient Platonists who identified Phrygian as the . warlike and Dorian as the pacific mode. The problem of the Homeric hero as it is adumbrat. edin Republic II—III is that his reasoned beliefs regarding the gods render him afraid . of death and hence deficient in courage; Phrygian music, by its very »irrationalism «, ; Overcomes these scruples and thereby promotes courage. It is too often forgotten (consider the argument of LASSERRE, 62) that the Phrygian »songs of Olympus« are described : by Plato in much the same terms as they are by Aristotle (compare Symp. 215 b7—d6 ‘ and Minos 318b with Pol. 1340a8—12, 1342a7—11; cf. Proclus In Remp. I 62, 5—9

CARNES LORD ancient commentators seem to have thought that, despite appearances, Plato recognized only the Dorian mode as being suited to the education of the young”. In the treatise On Music formerly attributed to Plutarch, we are told that »the relaxed [ëraveuuévn] Lydian mode — the one that is opposite to Mixed Lydian and resembles Ionian — is said to have been invented by Damon of Athens« (De mus. 1136d = fr. 37 B5 Diers-KRANZ). Not much has been made of this remark, partly because the authority of the Pseudo-Plutarch is worth little in itself, partly because an interest in Lydian music on the part of Damon appears to be ruled out by Plato's explicit rejection of the Lydian modes for the purposes of education (Rep. 398e). In its context, however, the remark is a suggestive one. It is preceded by a brief discussion of the Mixed Lydian mode, and immediately followed by this statement: »Of these harmonies, then, one is mournful and the other relaxed [éxAcAupévys], and it was with reason that Plato rejected them and chose Dorian as being suited to warlike and moderate men — though not, by Zeus, as Aristoxenus says in the second book of his M usicians, because he was unaware that in these too there is something useful for a regime of guardians« [De mus. 1136e = Aristoxenus fr. 82 WEHRLI]. Evidently, Aristoxenus had criticized Plato’s treatment of the ethos of the various harmonies on the grounds that the Lydian modes which Plato had summarily rejected also possess a certain educative value. Now it is possible that this understanding of Lydian music was original with Aristoxenus. But the very fact — if it is a fact — that one of the Lydian harmonies was invented by the leading theorist of music education would suggest that an educative value had been recognized in Lydian music before the time of Aristoxenus — by Damon. Even if the story preserved by the Pseudo-Plutarch is not true, it may well reflect a special position accorded the relaxed Lydian mode (or _ Lydian music as a whole) in the theories of the Damonian school. In the final chapter of Book VIII of the Politics, Aristotle makes use of a distinction between harmonies or types of tunes according to which there are tunes which represent or affect character (và hÔuxd), tunes which represent or affect action (r& mpaxtix&), and tunes which represent or induce religious exaltation (rd évOovetaotix&). A similar distinction seems to be implied in a passage in the Problems (19, 48. g22b10—27) dealing with the harmonies employed in the music of tragedy. If one supplements Aristotle’s brief remarks concerning the character of the various harmonies with the evidence of the Problems, the result is as follows. To the category of »enthusiastic« tunes cor20 This is the argument of Proclus (In Remp. I 61, 28—62, 28), who appeals to the implicit characterization of Phrygian music in the Minos (see last note) and, less cogently, to Lach. 188d; and it is evidently assumed in [Plutarch] De mus. 1136e—a passage which is clearly influenced by Aristoxenus.

responds the Phrygian harmony; to that of »practical« tunes, the Hypophrygian (Ionian) and Hypodorian (Aeolian) harmonies; and to that of »ethicale tunes, the Dorian harmony as well as the various harmonies of the Lydian group ®. Aristotle attributes the classification employed in the Politics to »certain men engaged in philosophy« who are »familiar with the education concerning music«. That Aristoxenus in particular is meant has often been assumed. The identification is correct, I think, for it is confirmed by the report of Aristoxenus’ views provided by the Pseudo-Plutarch: Aristoxenus had attacked the treatment of music education in the Republic precisely on the grounds that Plato had been unaware of the (moral or civic) utility of certain of the Lydian harmonies. Evidently, Aristoxenus considered the Lydian harmonies as in some measure yethical « or educative — though perhaps not as much or as generally so as the ymost ethical« Dorian (cf. Pol. 1342a2—3. 28—30). And Aristotle only makes explicit what is implicit in Aristoxenus’ distinction between »ethicala and yenthusiastic« harmonies when he criticizes Plato or his Socrates for admitting the Phrygian as well as the Dorian harmony in the education of the young (Pol. 1342a32—b36) *. If it is granted that the classification of harmonies appearing in Aristotle’s Politics and in the Problems bears the stamp of Aristoxenus, it is surely a plausible assumption that Aristoxenus’ views in these matters were influenced in some degree by the school of Damon. That this was in fact the case is shown, I think, by what I will suggest is an unrecognized document of the Damonian school — the interpolated paragraph which concludes Book VIII of the Politics. The last paragraph of the Politics reads as follows: »There are two things to be kept in view, the possible and the fitting; individuals ought rather to undertake what is possible and fitting for "1 For the text and interpretation of Problems 19, 48 see my article: A Peripatetic Account of Tragic Music, Hermes 105/2, 175 —179. My conclusions as to the categorization of the various harmonies agree essentially with those of ABERT (96—97), except that he understands relaxed Lydian as an enthusiastic harmony (cf. F. SusEMIHL and R. Hicks, The Politics of Aristotle, London 1894, 630—631). 2 Aristotle’s third category is also of interest in this connection. When the PseudoPlutarch undertakes to defend Plato against the strictures of Aristoxenus, he defends Plato’s understanding of the ethical effect not only of the Lydian modes but of Aeolian and Ionian as well — jmtotato yap St. h Tpaypdta (nal) tabty Th wedorotle xéxonta, (De mus. 1136e = Aristoxenus fr. 82 [30, 30—32] WEHRLI). Plato had treated Ionian as a relaxed or »sympotic« mode (Rep. 398e6—10); Aristoxenus seems to have disputed this characterization on the grounds that Ionian was used in tragedy. Aristoxenus’ view reappears in Problems 19, 48, where the »practical« Hypodorian (Aeolian) and Hypophrygian (Ionian) are said to be the modes appropriate to the heroes of tragedy; and it is evidently presupposed by Heraclides Ponticus (fr. 163 WEHRLI = Athenaeus : 14, 624c and 625b), who describes the Ionian mode as being, among other things, 7) | TpaywSie mpoopiAng. The most extended discussion of the ethos of both modes is that _ of Heraclides; it is perhaps less idiosyncratic than is usually thought.

CARNES LORD them. But these things too are defined according to the period of life. For example, those who are enfeebled by age have difficulty singing the high-strung harmonies, and nature directs them to use the relaxed ones. For this reason some of those connected with music have rightly blamed Socrates in this matter too, because he rejected the use of the relaxed harmonies in education on the grounds that they have an effect similar to that produced by drink — an effect not of actual drunkenness (for drunkenness is properly a state of excited frenzy) but rather one of stupor. So one ought to become familiar with harmonies and tunes of this sort with a view to a period of life that is to come — that is to say, old age; and also in the event that one of these harmonies is such as to be fitting for the period of youth by the fact that it promotes orderliness while affording amusement — as appears to be the case with the Lydian harmony above all. It is clear that three standards are to be observed in education: the mean, the possible and the fitting «. [eiot d& dbo oxorol, 76 te Suvardv Hal To mpérov’ xal yao TH SuvaTa Set wetayerotCeobar gov xal ck npenovra Exdotous. Fort dé zal Tara dpropéva talc HArntatc, otov rois dretpyxdor Dix ypbvov où AdSrov Kew Tag ouvrbvoug d&puoviac, dAAL Tae dvergdvag fj pÜois broßaAdeı totic tHALKOUTOLG. SLO wah emitiLdor zat zoöro Zwxpdrer Tüv Tepl Thy povoixyy tives, Str tas dverpevac Kpoviac dro8oxuudoetev cic thy madelav do neduorixkc AaufBdvov abtag où Kara Thy ze webs dbvanıy, Baxyevtixdy yap h ye uEÔN moved peAAOV, AAN arstonuviag. dore xal mods Thy Eoopévny Autar Thy Tay npeoBurépwv del xal av rouobrov gppovLe Anteodaı xal Tév gehöv THY Torobrwv " Err À el aig dot rouxbrn Tv &ppovuöv fj mpémer TH T@v Taldwv kurt did To Sbvaofa xóogov 7’ Eye duo wat maudıdv, clov fj Avdtotl patverar merovbéva udhtora Toy Kppoviöv. SHAov ti Tobroug Öpoug Tpeig moLntéov els THY raudelav, T6 te uécov xal to Juvardv xat TÔ mpéxov] [1342b 17—34]. That this passage is not the work of Aristotle has been strongly suspected for some time’. The main difficulties are these. To begin with, it is here assumed that »singing« is an appropriate musical activity for older men. But Aristotle had explicitly stated that »singing and the playing of instruments« is appropriate only for the young: »what is fitting« (7d mpézov) for older men is precisely the enjoyment of the performances of others (cf. 1342b17—23 with 1340b20—21, 3I—39 and 1342a1—4). Nor had Aristotle given any indication that special provisions may have to be made for those who are venfeebled with age«. In the second place, it is claimed that the young ought to learn the relaxed modes not only because of their utility in later life but because one of them — the »Lydian«, i.e. the »relaxed« Lydian — »promotes orderliness while affording 23 SUsEMIHL-Hıcks bracket the passage, and argue the case for its spuriousness at length; W. L. Newman, The Politics of Aristotle, Oxford 1887, III ad loc. agrees.

On Damon and Music Education 4I amusement«?, or because it contributes directly to the (moral) education of the young. It is reasonably certain that Aristotle did not share this view. Aristotle had made it abundantly clear that the Dorian mode is the mode best suited to the education of the young; and while it is true that he seems prepared to accept others as well, the very fact that he leaves the door open to such harmonies »as may be approved by those who are expert in philosophy and the education concerning music« (1342a30—32) shows that the use of other harmonies was not »approved«, or at any rate not contemplated, by Aristotle himself. Moreover, it seems quite unlikely that he would have approved the use of the relaxed Lydian harmony under any circumstances. According to Aristotle, the effect of the »relaxed« harmonies is to dispose its listeners paraxotéepas Thv dudvorav (1340b2—3): what they promote is not yorderliness« but a cowardly softness or effeminacy of spirit. It seems probable that relaxed Lydian belongs with those »deviant« harmonies (1342a23—24; cf. 1290a19—29) which Aristotle appears to reserve for the entertainment — the »relaxation« (&veoug: 1341b41) — of the non-citizen class of his best regime. In short, Aristotle seems to share precisely that view of the relaxed harmonies which is the Platonic view. When the author of the final paragraph of the Politics criticizes »Socrates« for rejecting the use of the relaxed modes in education on the grounds that they are »associated with drinking « (ueQvotixat ), he is in effect criticizing Aristotle himself. What appears to have happened is that a reader of the Politics felt himself authorized to contribute a supplementary note concerning a matter which Aristotle had seemed to leave to the judgment of »those who are expert in philosophy and the education concerning music«. Of the identity of the interpolator little can be said, except that his evident misunderstanding of Aristotle’s real position would appear to mark him as a Peripatetic of a later time. But the authorities he invokes — »some of those concerned with music« (tév rept THY wovatxyy Twe) — can be identified, I think, with reasonable certainty. If the information preserved by the Pseudo-Plutarch is correct, the criticism of Plato’s handling of the relaxed modes points directly to Aristoxenus. But there is much more in this passage which points beyond Aristoxenus, directly — and unmistakably — to the school of Damon. While Aristotle had spoken only in passing of what is »fitting« for different ages (1340b33. 1342b17), the interpolator makes ö mpémov a principle of his analysis (1342b18, 33—34); % Here (b31—32) the mss. have dı& 1d Sivacbat xdcpov T° Exeiv dua Hal mœdelav. I think moudiév must be read. The idea of »education«, as I will suggest, is already implicit in xéouov; and Aristotle had made it clear that the music education of the young must combine an education to virtue with pleasure, play or amusement (1339b11—25; 1340b14—17; 25—31). 25 Cf. Pol. 1340b2 waraxotépws with Rep. 398e6—7 uéôn . . . zal uaraxta xai &pyiæ; €9 paraxal te xat ouurorixal Tv dpLovröv.

but 16 mpémov appears to have been a fundamental category of Damonian theory #6, The emphasis on the actual performance of music by the old is at least compatible with what is known of the teaching of Damon, and is perhaps reflected in Plato's prescriptions for a chorus of old men dedicated to Dionysus (Laws 665aff.). At all events, a Damonian concern for the music education of old men is directly attested, as has been seen, by Aristides Quintilianus. As regards the education of the young, it is clear that the interpolator recommends the use of the relaxed Lydian mode not by itself but in addition to the Dorian (which had just been recommended for this purpose by Aristotle) ?”. When he explains that the relaxed Lydian is suitable for the young because it »promotes orderliness while affording amusement«, what is implied, I think, is a distinction between the »orderly« (xóogtov) ethos of relaxed Lydian and the »manly« (dvòpetov) ethos of Dorian (cf. 1342b12—14): while Dorian music teaches the manly virtues, and in particular the virtue of courage (&vöpei«), Lydian music teaches the softer virtues — order, moderation, and (perhaps) justice. That this distinction is Damonian in origin is strongly suggested by Aristides’ analysis of the harmonic exercises ascribed to Damon in terms of »male« and »female« notes, and by its appearance in close proximity to the name of Damon in Plato's discussion of music education (Rep. 399e10—11 Biov ... xoouiou te xal &vöpelou; cf. Laws 802e). Further confirmation may perhaps be found in Proclus’ interpretation of the brief and very obscure discussion of the Damonian view of metrical ethos which is given in Plato’s Republic (400b—c = fr. 37 Bg Diers-KRANz). According to Proclus, Damon regarded the enoplion as having a »manly character« (&vSptxdv dos), and the dactyl as being »productive of orderliness and equanimity« (xoou6Tntoc Tontixoy xal 6uaddtyt0¢); while »both, when mixed together in the right fashion, provide education in the true sense«2. For Damon, it would seem, music education as a whole is an attempt to instill and to harmonize qualities which, while equally necessary from a social or political point of view, are necessarily and naturally opposed. 26 Aristides tells us that povotxy was defined by »some« as téyvn mpémovtog Ev povaic xal xıyhoscı (De mus. 1, 4 [4, 2T]); the inclusion of dance strongly suggests Damon (fr. 37B6 Diers-KRANZ = Athenaeus 14, 628c). Cf. Plato Rep. 399a7; 4oob1 —4. 27 This seems to be the point of gécov in b34—a rather clumsy attempt to harmonize the interpolated passage with the discussion of the Dorian mode which immediately precedes it (cf. b14); and Dorian seems to be the intended reference of the xat in b28. 28 In Remp. I 61, 5—ı4 Krorr. A similar distinction appears in Aristides’ discussions of harmony and meter (De mus. 2, 14 [82, 1—2]; 2, 15 [82, 24—25, 83, 27]). Also of interest is Aristides’ definition of the Damonian mpémov as a »harmony« (ovugevia) of noble or praiseworthy qualities (1, 4 [5, 12—-13]). The reconstruction of Damon’s »Areopagitica‘ by H. RyFFEL (Eukosmia, MH 4, 1947, 23-38) fails to recognize, I think, the precise meaning of xÓopog and related terms in Damonian theory, though rightly stressing the aristocratic or conservative tendency of Damon’s thought as a whole.

WERNER GAUER: Zu einem Zitat aus dem Kanon des Polyklet The following remarks may serve by way of conclusion. There appears to have been an important disagreement between Damon and Aristoxenus on the one hand and Plato and Aristotle on the other regarding the nature of the relaxed harmonies, in particular the relaxed Lydian. This mode — invented, according to one account, by Damon himself — seems to have formed an integral part of music education as understood by the Damonian school. Its educational utility was recognized, though perhaps less fully, by Aristoxenus; it was denied by Plato and Aristotle. Plato seems (and it is necessary to stress the qualification) to have accepted the Damonian principle that different modes are required to promote the opposing virtues of courage and moderation, or that the Dorian mode by itself is not sufficient for the purposes of education. With Aristotle this principle is abandoned, and the Dorian mode is recognized — possibly in connection with the musical revolution of the fourth century, which made of the old Dorian mode the central of seven species of the octave — as a »mean« which promotes a »mean and settled« character (Pol. 1342b14—16. 1340b3—-4), a character that is at once moderate and manly. As regards the notion of music education itself, I have tried to show that Damon restricted it to the young and the old. Only with Plato is musical pazdera understood to encompass mature men as well as the young, the healing of the passions as well as the formation of character; and if some trace of the Damonian concern for the old or superannuated remains in the Platonic presentation, it disappears in the sober restatement (which in other respects is similarly comprehensive) of Plato’s position by Aristotle. University of Virginia CARNES LorD ZU EINEM ZITAT AUS DEM KANON DES POLYKLET Xareratatov to Épyov, Stav cic bvvya 6 rnhdc aoluntar Von den beiden beglaubigten Fragmenten, die wir aus dem Kanon des Polyklet besitzen!, hat das oben zitierte fiir den Archäologen ein doppeltes Interesse. Es spricht nicht nur (mehr als man bislang hat wahrhaben wollen) vom Grundanliegen des Werks, sondern es gibt auch an einem Punkt einen Einblick in die Arbeitsweise und Technik des Erzbildners Polyklet. Das Zitat 1 Vgl. H. Diets, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (6. Aufl., herausgeg. v. W. KRANZ) 140 B 1 und 2. Dazu kommt das von D. Schuz erkannte Zeugnis bei Plutarch, De recta rat. aud. 45 C—D, 13 (s. unten Anm. 8). Zur Diskussion über dieses wichtige Fragment und die zentralen Begriffe der ovppetpta, éppovia, edpvdul«e sowie über die Bedeutung - Hermes, 106. Band, Heft 1 (1978) © Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, D-6200 Wiesbaden