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tCHAPTER2LAGYf(weit“osdfxcnropmtsoaurTtneckosrihuacfti,oshenotmuiedsanftbcaghmsoHrojnifspeuDouvmacnAhsirtlnbentemolldhyiscsauneer,wigntodrrhsainwYptk;yohvucıorlnreihftagsoDrAdyeshBb.”i.wutm-d;eoiaCàhlhPub.tsngeefyli)tmr,adansoctbnrgl“chDusoewalmhiT.rvu1,otnhoeih0sDmg,awr.yteeobllFshtTio.wrTPeFtuaphyoymhtligat,oMefmhrlsnhmoetauaiswhnrvagcestiso;urevnirltGhwscg”naermpodrgh,aBesunmeftoareck,niuhdwnrNeawcsuiftdeVgounoahculm1tgmfrneMhod0b“sbAyed)ronmtaec.PkihwtsarrynepsRakwdhroutTeyahnsifldeph.ctkhoausmeeb,Agnir‘waaeso:cYT,inrtle;uhocdryfinGsuacyrhedtnsicThmeiad(crteso6ihcl:ndi0aogevulfs”nyiaetctgsr4elhu-filb)rnsde-uifge-untsnd
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10
u
—
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standing ol nature and the world beyond. But the
technical
following passage of the scholium to the Charmides, wherein
interest of Pythagoras in mathematics was probably
conditioned by his intuitive realization that number is the
essence
of things. In the absence of any relevant records,
we can only
the object of the former is explained:
Logistic is the science dealing with numbered objects, not nue
bers; it does not consider number in its essence, but it presupposes
surmise the origin of this remarkable conception, which
scems
I as the unit, and the numbered object as number; that is, >
regards 3 as u triad, 10 as a decad, and applics the SS
to have inspired Plato in shaping his own philosophy,
arithmetic to particular cases, Thus, logistic lunvestigaces. what
Archimedes called the catthe-problem and also “melite” and plis.
The partial sofutions of fonian thinkers concerning
the
nature of the primordial substance must have urged
the Pythagoreans to find a more fundamental cause of things,
discover a
principle underlying
the
four elements, and give a
lie” numbers, the lauer relating to bowls, the former to flocks,
In other aspects, too, it investigates the numbers of material a:
deeper
explanation ol the Milesian systems. Furthermore, since nature
treating them as absolute, lis subject-matter is everything that is
is only a part of human experience, a more universal essence
numbered?
was needed to explain nature, reason, and religion as
well, If
the empirical aspects ol knowledge could somehow be satisfied
with the operations of the natural elements, its rational
and
mystical aspects required a diflerent principle of explanat
ion,
Because of its rationality and permanence, mathematics
could
provide such a principle readily. The universal value
of mathemátics suggested by the naturalistic account of knowledge
was
confirmed by the religious requirements of action.
IL the emo-
_—
A
comparative
would have shown
that
analysis
mathematical,
of
Eastern
traditions
especially
numerical,
relations were essential in mystical speculations and
interpretation ol the world.
in
the
Numbers were also indispensable in many practical fields,
such as commerce and everyday social intercourse.
At the time
of Pythagoras, numbers were not the object of a separate
science. They were considered to be almost as material as
the
ultimate principles of things—earth, air, fire, water-of
the
Milesians, In fact, they were merely used for practical purposes
without being considered as purely rational entities, This
distinction is illustrated by Plato when he says that “logistic and
arithmetic are wholly concerned with numbers," and by the
2 Republic 5254,
ber of stars composing it and the geometrical figure they form.
Patient observation shows how to distinguish the various cone
stellations in that way. Thus Plato wrote in Timacus that the
vision of the day and night and of months and circling years
has created the art of number, It has given us not only the
notion of time, but also the means of studying the nature ol
the universe, from which has emerged philosophy in all its
tive Orphic rituals were to silisly the positive mind
of the
Pythagoreans, some rational basis was needed for their religious
implications,
Pythagoras would have remembered the Babylonian view
that each constellation had two chief characteristics—the muro:
—ecc:
pt Pythagoras would have observed that the art of
bi
ra
94
music, so steadily practiced in the Brotherhood, was ruled si
rhythm and number. This may have led him to dicon i e
fundamental harmonic relations of a vibrating string stretc luc
over a resounding board. By means of a movable bridge, he
would divide the string into different lengths and produce
various high and low totes, Though unable to determine the
vibrations on which the separate sounds depended, he could
measure the length of the vibrating string which was the mate:
rial cause of the sound and determine the ratios corresponding
to the various tones. ‘Through number, music was thus connected with astronomy.
3 Scholiun to Plato Charmides 165E.
4 Timucus 474.
Page 3
View in PDF(opens in a new window)The Pythagorean Number Theory
With every constellation and every
musical note character-
Yet, in another passage discussing assimilation and resemized by a number, the study of the heave
ns and of sound would
suggest by analogy the establishment of
a number theory extending to ethics and religion. From
trade to liturgy through
astronomy
and
acoustics,
man's
interests
would
together by the power of number. Merg
be
blance, Aristotle attributes to the Pythagoreans the opinion
that numbers are altections or relations rather than substances.
linked
ed into the things perceived by the senses as well as into
the higher values of life
and destiny, numbers must have appea
red to Pythagoras as
more universal than any other huma
n conception. Stripped of
the accidents identifying them with specifi
c objects,
with the astrological chart of any person, numbe
or even
rs could be
taken as the real constituents—the
very nature of the world
hus Pythagoras was led to declare that numbe
r is the cuendo
of things.
|
According to Aristotle, the Pythaporea
ns do not place the
objects of mathematics between the
ideas and material things
as Plato does, they say “that things themselves are aber
and that “number is the matter of things
as well
as the form
of their modifications and permanent states.
”® As the principles
of mathematics, numbers are “the
principles of all existing
things.” Therefore, numbers canno
t be attributes of something else; they are the substance of all
existing things" and
also “the causes of the reality of other things
." This follows
from their participation in the One, which
is a substance and
not a predicate of something else.
But are numbers transcendent or
immanent? Whereas Plato
maintained their transcendence, the Pythag
oreans held that all
things possess number and are numbers.
Hence numbers are
not separable from things: ay all existin
g things ne made up
of number s, the whole heaven is number,
and even abstractions
and immaterial things are numbers. The
immanence ol number could not be expressed in stronger terms.
6 Met. 987» 27.
6 Met, 987“ 15,
T Met. 985» 25,
8 Met. 9874 18,
Y Met. 987b 24.
15
+nzo
‘They seemed to see in numbers many resemblances to the things
that exist and come into being, more than in fire, in carth and
in water. Such and such à modification of numbers was justice,
another was soul and reason, another was opportunity, and similarly almost all other things were expressible numerically, Again,
they saw that che attributes and the ratios of the musical scale were
expressible in numbers. Since all things seemed in their whole
nature to be modelled on numbers, and numbers seemed to be the
first things in the whole of nature, they supposed the elements of
numbers to be the clements of all things, and the whole heavens
to be a musical scale and a number, ‘They collected and fitted into
their scheme all the properties of numbers and scales they could
show to agree with the attributes, the parts, and the whole arrangement of the heayens.10
Aristotle also asserts that the Pythagoreans say things exist
by imitation of numbers, while Plato says they exist by participation. But he does not elaborate on this point, because “what
the participation or the imitation of the forms could be they
left an open question.”!! This is perhaps a reference to the
views of Philolaus, for whom numbers are the paradigms or
the substantial patterns of things—a conception apparently
current among the younger Pythagoreans, which could have
inspired Plato. Though the two views might have coexisted
among the early Pythagoreans, Aristotle must have considered
the complete identification of numbers and things to be their
fundamental doctrine, as he devoted to it most ot his criticism.
On the other hand, when Aristotle says the Pythagoreans
“supposed real things to be numbers”! and “did not regard
number as separable from the objects of sense,"!5 he surely
10 Met. 9856 27.
11 Met. 987b 13.
12 Met. 10904 20,
13 Phys. 2034 6.
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mate reality, air. The lonian monism excluded a multiplication
must have studied numbers as extern
al objects,
not as mere auxiliaries to ordinary computa
tion. This view is
emphasized by his reference to Eurytus, a disciple of
Philolaus,
who expressed the nature of objects by means
of pebbles or
counters. “Eurytus decided what was the
number of an object
(for example of a man or a horse) by imitating
the figures of
living things with pebbles, as some people bring number
s into
the forms of the triangle and square. "Theophrastus
reports
the same story, which probably goes back to Archytas
,!9
A more detailed account of the method of Eurytus
is given
by Alexander:
ol causes.
"pr
QBveSAn=cTe>
man, and 360 that which defines plant.
Having laid this down,
he took 250 counters, some green and
some black, others red and
counters in the outline of the face, some in that of the hands,
some in that of other parts. Thus he completed
and
the outline of the
man he was imagining by a number of counters equal
in number
to the units which he said defined the man.
This doctrine of numbers and things prompted the
Pythagoreans to collect and fit into their scheme
all the properties of
numbers
they
could
discover
10
agree
with
particular
experiences.
Another reason for the Pythagorean doctrine that
number
is immanent may be found in the general charact
er of philosophical speculations at the time. The lonians
did not inquire
the “likeness” of things, but about the
“nature” of
about
things, their ulumate essence. The objects
of sense perception
were not explained through their participation
with water 01
air, but through their ultimate identification
with those elements. For example, Anaximenes considered the
phenomena
of the external world as the various modes of one
single ulti-
If things imitate numbers, the unanswered question of their
ultimate cause might involve a possible multiplicity ol causes.
Imitation explains neither essence nor existence, Mere assertion of an analogy between numbers and the objects of experience ollers no account of their nature. ‘The Pythagoreans
could scarcely fail to perceive the weakness of the argument
for simple imitation, The world of experience, therefore, could
not be like numbers; it had to be numbers. Instead of being
mere paradigms or archetypes of things, numbers had to be
the things themselves, or at least the stuff out of which things
are made. By word of mouth, this intuition was transmitted
from one generation to another, until Philolaus aunounced
Let us assume for example that 250 is the number
which dchnes
of many other colors; then smearing the
wall with plaster and
sketching on it 4 man and a plant, he proceeded
to fix some of the
17
MeOp—Rrn+tIe
—
openly that “all things which can be known have number; for
it is impossible for a thing to be conceived or known without
number.” ?
With this fundamental principle, the Pythagoreans developed their views on the nature ol particular things by a more
intimate study of numbers. If number is the essence of things,
why turn to experience for an explanation? In tracing the
cause of things, the a posteriori method was of litue help to
men already convinced that they possessed the most important
clue to the solution of the mysteries of the world. Lf number
is the basis of all knowledge and if its various transformations
cause the nature of everything, it should sullice to organize and
analyze a variety of numbers in order to understand rationally
how the world is built. Hence Pythagoras “attached supreme
importance to the study of arithmetic, which he advanced and
removed from the region of commercial utility." This testimony is corroborated by Aristotle in his statement that “the
Pythagoreans devoted themselves to the study of mathematics
and were the first to advance this knowledge." 1Y
What could be the stages of such a study? Establishment of
17 This fragment is preserved by Stobaeus; cf. Diels, Vors., 44 B 4, 111,
14 Met. LU92L La,
15 Theophrastus /n Met p Ga 19,
16 Alexander In Met. 827-829.
Is Aristoxenus us quoted by Stobacus; cf. Diels, Vors., 58 B 4, UL p. 451.
14 Met. 9850 23.
Page 5
View in PDF(opens in a new window)an adequate number
theory requires first the defin
ition of
number, Following the view
of Tháles*Y that number 15
a
collection of units, the Pythagorca
ns “made number out of
One." But they could scarcely
regard one as a number, since
a measure is not the thing
measured and since one
beginning of number." Euclid impli
19
ing always to the two dillerent kinds respectively.” This
statement contains a relerence to the original conception of
the dyad as being not a number but the beginning of the even,
just as One is not a number but the starting-point of number—
is “the
a conception which must be very old, as Plato already speaks
es this view in defining
of two as even. Nicomachus gives also this other definition
a unit as that by which an exist
ing thing is calle
d one, while
without mentioning the dyad: “An even number is that which
a number is che multitude
made Up of unas. Among
later
admits of being divided by one and the same operation into
as à “limiting quantity”; Chrysippus
(third century B.C.) calls
nuinber (i.e., into two halves), while an odd number is that
Pythagoreans, Thymaridas (four
th century ».c.) defines a unit
it “multitude one.""2 Among neo-Pythag
oreans, Moderatus (ca.
60 A.p.) considers number as “a progr
ession of multitude beginning from a unit, and a regre
ssion ending in
Nicomachus (ca. 100 a...) defines it as “a
the greatest and the least parts, greatest in size but least in
which cannot be so divided, but is only divisible into two
unequal parts."
it,’ while
As regards the term odd-even, Aristotle says that “the eleflow of Quantity made
ments of number are the even and the odd” and that “the
one proceeds from both of these for it is both even and odd."
up of units."# ‘The assimilati
on of units with points will be
discussed later.
Heath explains this strange view by submitting that the unil,
The simplest operations performed
with units are duplicabeing the principle of even and odd numbers, cannot itself be
ton and its reverse, bipartition
or mediation. This immediodd and must therefore be called even-odd.32 According to a
ately supplies a broad principle
ol classification of numbers
better explanation suggested by Archytas and attributed to
into those which are divisible into halve
s and those which are
not As Philolaus says, “number
is of two special kinds, odd
and even, with a third even-odd arisin
two; and there are many forms
g from a mixture of the
of each kind.”
7
Nicomachus, who represents well enoug
h the Pythagorean
tradition, gives this ancient defini
tion:
that which can be divided both into
two unequal parts (except
Aristotle by ‘Fheon of Smyrna, the unit added to an even
number makes an odd number, but when added to an odd
number it produces an even number, and therefore must partake of both species.# On the other hand, lamblichus uses this
term for even numbers like 6 and 10, which yield an odd num-
“An even number js
ber after a first bipartition.## This conception points to Plato's
wwe equal parts and into
distinction among “even times even,” “odd times odd,” “odd
times even,” and “even times odd,"® taken up later by
Euclid.2° These are examples of the possible classification of
the various odd and even numbers referred to by Philolaus.
the fundamental dyad which
can
be divided only into two equal parts)
; but however it is
divided, its two parts must be of the same
kind without share
in the other kind. An odd number
is that which, however
divided, must in any case fall into two
unequal parts belong-
28 Introductio Arithmetica i. 7.4.
su Parmenides 1430.
20 CE. lamblichus Introductio Arithm
etica, p- 10.
30 Introductio Arithmetica i. 7.3.
21 Met. 985a 20,
22 Met. 10884 7,
24 Elements vii. Defs. 1, 2.
24 lamblichus Introductio Arithmetica,
25 Stobacus Eclogae i. Procm. 8,
20 Introductio Arithmetica i. 7.1.
21 Diels, Vors., 44 B 5, IH, p. 408.
31 Met, Ygba 17.
é2 Thomas L. Heath, 4 History of Greek Mathematics
1,
pp. 11-12.
p.71
ha Expositio Rerum Mathematicarum, p. 22.
34 Introductio Arithmetica, p. 22.
35 Parmenides 143E.
30 Elements vii. Defs. 8-10.
(Oxtord, 1921),
Page 6
View in PDF(opens in a new window)The reciprocal operations of duplication and bipartiion
lead naturally to the study of numbers with regard to their
divisibility in general. The Pythagoreans were not slow in discovering that certain numbers can be divided by no other
number than the unit. A fragment of Speusippus based upon
the writings of Philolaus®? distinguishes “prime” and "incomposite” numbers and “secondary” or “composite” numbers.
Thymaridas calls a prime number “rectilinear,” and Theon of
Smyrna, “euthymetric” or “linear.” Theon says further that
even numbers are not measured by the unit done, except 2,
which is therefore odd-like without being prime, Hence, the
neo-Pythagoreans definitely exclude 2 from the prime über;
for their predecessors, the dyad, or 2, was not a number at all,
but the principle of the even, just as the one was the principle
of number. Yet in defining numbers “prime to one another”
as those. "measured by a unit alone as common measure,”
3
Euclid accepts 2 as a prime number. So did Aristotle before
him, when he speaks of the dyad as “the only prime number
among the even numbers," which shows that this change
was due to the immediate successors of Pythagoras. There are
no reports ol the early use ol prime numbers tor cosmical or
ethical considerations.
Another early principle of combination of numbers was that
of addition, By combining the unit with itself several times in
succession, the series of the natural integers is obtained, Still
to be considered are the results obtained from combining addition with duplication and multiplication. Such a combination
21
law of the formation of these numbers is described by Theon
ol Smyrna in this way: “If we take successive double numbers
starting from the unit, add them until a prime and incomposite number is found, and then multiply the sum by the
last of the added terms, the resulting number will be perfect.”4 The proof of this relation is given by Euclid,tt who
established a general connection between prime and perfect
numbers.
LE che sum of any number of terms of the series: 1, 2, 22, ...
9n—3 be prime, and said sum be multiplied by the last term,
the product will be a perfect number—that is, equal to the sum
of all its factors; in modern notation: Sy + 27! is a perfect
number.
When a number is smaller than the sum of its aliquot parts,
it is called an over-perfect number; a deficient number is
greater than that sum. The first four perfect numbers are 6, 28,
496, and 8128; for 6 = (1 + 2 + 3) and 28 = (1 + 244+7
++ 14). The numbers 12 and 20 are over-perfect because the
sum of the aliquot parts (14-2-+3 +44 6) ot 12 is greater
than 12, and the sum of the aliquot parts (1 4 2 4-4 4-5 + 10)
of 20 is greater than 20. The numbers 8 and 14 are deficient;
for 8 is greater than the sum of its aliquot parts (1 + 2 + 4)
and 14 is greater than the sum (1 + 2 4-7) ot its aliquot parts.
No reference to perfect, over-perlect, and deficient numbers is
found in the fragments of Philolaus or anywhere before Euclid.
We are told by lamblichus*? chat Speusippus had written about
perfect numbers in “a neat little book entitled On the Pythagyielded the perfect and friendly numbers, which result from
orean Numbers” based on the writings of Philolaus; the book
the relations between a given number and its component parts
has been lost.
with respect
to multiplication
and addition.
By
taking
together the factors of a given number, including one but exclud-
Yet perfect numbers were probably known to Pythagoras if
we accept a statement by lamblichust* attributing to him the
ing that number, it may happen that their sum is equal to the
given number, which is then called a “perfect” number, The
47 Kathleen Freeman, 1, The Ihe Pre-socratic
Pre-:
MP
7
aa
Philosophers
86 Elements vii. Def. 12.
39 Topica 1574 35.
“i
i
(Cambridge,
Mass.,
du Ex positio Kerum Mathematiwarun, P- 45.
in
41 Elements ix. 96, The algebraic proof la given by Thomas L, Heath424
p.
ll,
1908),
ge,
(Cambrid
Elements
tuctid’s
of
Books
Thirteen
The
(repub. in New York, 1956).
42 Theologumena Aritlimelicae, p. 82.
43 Introductio Arithmetica, p. 35.
Page 7
View in PDF(opens in a new window)23
discovery of friendly numbers. These are pairs of numbers
such that each is the sum of all the aliquot parts of the other, as
by the lonians sufficiently rational to account for the er
284 and 220: the aliquot parts of 284 (1 + 244 + 71 + 142
together equal 220, and the sum of the aliquot parts of
nique of deduction
probably bad 10 work out whatever rational explanation je
could in order to connect the general propositions OF pu
220 (1 +42 4 4
4 5 4 10 4 11 + 20 + 22 + 44 + 55 4- 110)
equals 284.
Pythagoras investigated
11
numbers reciprocally
equal to the sums ol their aliquot parts, he must also
have
considered the simpler class of numbers which are equal to
the sum of
their own aliquot parts. There is a story that
Pythagoras defined a friend as “One who is the other J, such
as 220 and 284." Discovery of such couples of numbers, which
appear to have been known to the Hindus before
the sixth
century 1.6, wis a problem ol considerable difficulty for
the
Greeks; because verification of such numbers usually requires
the handling of very high digits. General intgrest in the
friendly numbers seems 10 result from the belief that a good
and geometrical figures. ur A prin
properties of numbers
proper was not yet established, x yt Fa
e
with their practical applications. Such un Le ss sé meen
be suggested by number, If number is rational and male: we at
the same time, then extension, which is also a manifestation
of matter, must be number. That is why the Pythagorcans con
nected the unit in arithmetic and the point in geometrvy, by
defining the unit as a “point without position, and the ae
as "a unit having position.” The development ol a ae ret
theory should therefore embrace geometry, which hn È in
turn account for astronomy and the general study of nature,
omen was attached to them.
The Pythagoreans considered development of the purely
arithmetical properties of numbers as uot only mathematically
important, but also as preparation for wider application of
iN.
Greer
MEZ AS PI ACT
numbers to the sensible world through their connection with
figures or forms. To be sure, figures are the most natural tink
between purely numerical relations and presentations of the
external world. From the pebbles of Eurytus to the simultaneous consideration of the numbers of stars of a particula
r con:
stellation and the geometrical figure they trace out in space,
many Observations suggest an intimate connection between
numbers and figures. H everything is number, chen die figure
of everything must be a number. These and similar considera
ions may have suggested to Pythagoras an essential relation
between numbers and geometry,
On the other hand, the practical mensuration of the Egyptians and the mathematical generalizations of Thales, with
which Pythagoras was presumably acquainted, could have fed
him to investigate the significance of his theories. For the
Egyptians had not given any reason for their utilitarian
geometry, nor were the material principles of things proposed
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